<p>This dissertation studies coordination mechanism design for sustainable supply networks in a globalized environment, with the goal of achieving long-term profitability, environmental friendliness and social responsibility. We examine three different types of supply networks in detail.</p><p>The first network consists of one supplier and multiple retailers. The main issue is how to efficiently share a scarce resource, such as capacities for green technology, among all members with private information under dynamically changing environment. We design a shared surplus supply agreement among the members which can lead to both efficient private investments and efficient capacity allocation under unpredictable and unverifiable market conditions.</p><p>The second network is a serial supply chain. The source node provides critical raw material (like coffee cherries) for the entire chain and is typically located in an underdeveloped economy, the end node is a retailer serving consumer at a developed economy (like Starbucks Co.). We construct a dynamic supply agreement that takes into account the changing market and production conditions to ensure fair compensations so that the partners have the right incentives to work together to develop sustainable quality supply.</p><p>The third network is a stylized global production network of a multinational company consisting of a home plant and a foreign branch. The branch serves the foreign market but receives a key component from the home plant. The distinctive feature is that both facilities belong to the same company, governed by the headquarters, yet they each also have their own autonomies. We analyze the role of the headquarters in designing coordination mechanism to improve efficiency. We show the headquarters can delegate the coordination effort to the home plant, as long as it keeps veto power.</p> / Dissertation

La Corée qui a ouvert l'ère de la démocratisation en 1987 s'avance vers la démocratie dans la vie quotidienne après la mise en vigueur du système d'autonomie locale en 1995. Dans une tendance générale et irrévocable de décentralisation et d'accroissement de l'autonomie, la décentralisation dans le domaine de la police faisait l'objet d'une discussion en tant que moyen de l'achèvement du système d'autonomie locale. Ce problème de réforme n'ayant aboutit à l'exercice limitée d'une police décentralisée que dans la seule province de Jéju exige un nouvel examen. Pour ce faire, il nous faut regarder avec attention vers un régime juridique qui est plus aisé à recevoir en droit coréen : le régime français. En effet, la France est un État traditionnellement unitaire et centralisé qui poursuit un processus de décentralisation en profondeur, incluant la police. Il en y résulte que le service de police décentralisée s'établit au niveau communal sous la direction du maire et sous le contrôle du comité de police locale au niveau provincial. La police autonome décentralisée dispose des attributions générales et se charge des affaires de police judiciaire spéciale. La police nationale assume la sécurité dans les communes n'ayant pas de service propre de police ainsi que la coordination et le contrôle pour les polices municipales. En plus, le rattachement de la Police nationale et du Comité de Police nationale doit être changé du Ministre de l'Administration Publique et de la Sécurité au Premier ministre / Korea, which opened the era of democratization in 1987 moves towards democracy in daily life after the implementation of the system of local autonomy in 1995. In a general trend of decentralization and irrevocable and increased autonomy, decentralization in the field of police was under discussion as a means of completing the system of local autonomy. This issue of reform have led to the limited exercise of a decentralized police in Jeju province alone requires a further consideration. To do this, we need to look carefully into a legal system that is easier to receive in Korean law: the French regime. Indeed, France is a traditionally unitary and centralized state which pursues a decentralization process in depth, including the police. It results that the police be decentralized at the municipal level under the leadership of Mayor and under the control of local police committee at provincial level. The autonomous decentralized police has the general duties and is responsible for special police affairs. The National Police assume security in the municipalities that do not have own police service and the coordination and control for municipal police. In addition, the incorporation of the National Police and National Police Board should be changed from the Minister of Public Administration and Security to the Prime Minister. Control over the municipal police would be accomplished administratively by the local police, by national administrative authorities and the national police authorities, or judicially against individual administrative acts

La doctrine oppose traditionnellement deux modèles de séparation verticale des pouvoirs : l'État unitaire et l'État fédéral. Il est en outre admis que la structure fédérale de l'État est intrinsèquement favorable à l'autonomie locale. Les récentes et nombreuses réformes de l'organisation territoriale des compétences menées en France et en Allemagne obligent à questionner la pertinence de cette présentation doctrinale désormais classique et à réviser l'état des connaissances sur les droits positifs de ces deux pays. Pour cela, l'étude opte pour un angle de vue original car elle propose de saisir le fédéralisme par le prisme de l'autonomie locale, en comparant la situation constitutionnelle des «collectivités locales», respectivement dans un État unitaire et dans un État fédéral. D'autre part, cette recherche comparative démontre l'intérêt de s'appuyer sur la typologie de la décentralisation élaborée par Hans Kelsen afin de dépasser les classifications doctrinales classiques surdéterminées par le référentiel national. Il est alors possible de constater une convergence entre la France et l'Allemagne au regard des garanties formelles et matérielles du droit à l'autonomie locale, en particulier suite à la constitutionnalisation du droit des collectivités territoriales en France. Ce constat se confirme au regard du « pouvoir de surveillance » de l'État sur les actes des collectivités locales, les possibilités des autorités étatiques d'interférer dans la vie juridique locale étant plus limitées en France qu'en Allemagne. Il en ressort que la structure fédérale de l'État n'est pas nécessairement plus respectueuse des libertés locales que la structure unitaire de l'État. / The legal doctrines distinguish traditionally two different models of vertical separation of powers: the unitary state and the federal state, France being supposed to represent the first, Germany the second. Moreover, it is generally acknowledged that federal states are more respectful of local freedoms. However, the decentralization reforms carried out in France and in Germany oblige to question the relevance of this doctrinal assumption and to review the current state of knowledge on the legal systems of both countries. This research is based on an original approach seizing the federalism by the prism of local autonomy and comparing the legal situation of the "local government authorities", respectively in a unitary state and a federal state. ln addition, this comparative research is based on the decentralization theory of Hans Kelsen. This allows avoiding the use of the traditional doctrinal classifications that remain largely determined by the national reference frame. This examination of the legal relationship between central and local authorities allows to note a significant convergence between France and Germany regarding the formal and material protection of the right to local autonomy, in particular due to the constitutionalization of local government law in France. This first research result is confirmed by taking into consideration the "power of surveillance" of the central state on the local authorities, the legal opportunities to interfere in the self-government being even more restricted in France than in Germany. This reveals that federal states are not necessarily providing a greater legal protection of local autonomy than unitary states.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação JML - versão para depósito FINAL COMPLETA REVISTA .pdf: 1587733 bytes, checksum: cd1ff63a860d45ce9ead1ef79cd64bbb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-13 / The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the consequences of the recentralization process Brazil has been gradually experiencing on (i) the effectiveness of local regulation issued by large local governments (those to which the assumption of inability of generating wealth and managing local affairs may not apply); and, more broadly, (ii) on the capacity of large local governments to carry out local regulation. In the past, the following benefits have been attributed to decentralization: (i) it can raise the quality of local services and policies; (ii) it can promote economic development; and, particularly, (iii) it can strengthen democracy by allowing citizens to have more access to the local authorities in charge of many of the affairs that affect them daily. Of the three alleged benefits, the one that best survives scrutiny from the literature is the third one, which is why the recentralization process Brazil has been experiencing may be problematic to the extent that this benefit is compromised. The hypothesis of this dissertation is that the recentralization process compromises the strengthening of democracy at a local level, as it: (i) reduces the local autonomy necessary for local governments to carry out local regulation policies that respond to the preferences of the local population; and (ii) creates obstacles for the local population to know which federative body (the central government, states or local governments) is responsible for many of the local affairs that cities must handle. I argue that this compromises the effectiveness of local regulation aimed, explicitly or not, at fostering local economic development and, more broadly speaking, that this reduces the capacity of local governments to implement local regulation, for three main reasons: (i) it allows for unarticulated, excessive and state intervention in cities, implemented by federative entities that are not necessarily aligned, and which therefore may act in a conflicting manner; (ii) it encourages a 'blame-shifting' game between federative entities, as one can 'pass on' responsibility to the other, or share it; (iii) it makes it more difficult for local regulation to be the result of the local population’s preferences. This diagnosis of local governments’ weak institutional performance leads one to question whether it would be desirable for institutional reforms aimed at making the governments of large cities more responsive to the local population and being in a better position (as well as having more incentives) to implement local regulation polices that indeed have the possibility of fostering local economic development. / Este trabalho visa a investigar o impacto do processo de recentralização pelo qual o Brasil vem passando (i) na efetividade de medidas de regulação local adotadas por grandes municípios - aqueles para os quais não faz sentido aplicar a presunção de incapacidade de gerar riqueza e de gerir seus negócios locais adequadamente; e, de forma mais abrangente, (ii) na capacidade de grandes municípios exercerem regulação local. Atribuiu-se, no passado, à descentralização o potencial de (i) melhorar a qualidade dos serviços públicos e políticas locais; (ii) promover desenvolvimento econômico; e (iii) fortalecer a democracia ao possibilitar que cidadãos tenham mais acesso às autoridades locais responsáveis por tomar decisões sobre muitos dos assuntos que afetam o dia-a-dia da população local. Dos três supostos benefícios da descentralização, o que mais sobrevive ao escrutínio da literatura é o terceiro, razão pela qual o processo de recentralização no Brasil pode ser problemático na medida em que vier a justamente a comprometê-lo. A hipótese do trabalho é que o processo de recentralização compromete o aprofundamento da democracia em nível local, pois ele: (i) retira a autonomia local necessária para que governos locais exerçam medidas de regulação local que se adequem às preferências da população local; e (ii) dificulta que a população local saiba qual ente federativo é responsável por muitas das questões de interesse local com que as grandes cidades precisam lidar. Argumento que isso prejudica a efetividade de medidas de regulação local voltadas, declaradamente ou não, para a promoção do desenvolvimento econômico local e, de um modo geral, representa uma perda de capacidade de governos locais exercerem regulação local, por três principais razões: (i) abre margem para um padrão de intervenção estatal no ambiente urbano desarticulado e às vezes excessivo, capitaneado por entes federativos não necessariamente alinhados, e que podem adotar medidas tendentes ao conflito; (ii) cria condições para um jogo de 'deixa-que-eu deixo' entre entes federativos - um pode 'repassar' a responsabilidade para outro, ou compartilhá-la; (iii) dificulta que a regulação local seja o resultado das preferências dos eleitores locais. Esse diagnóstico do fraco desempenho institucional de municípios abre espaço para que se discutam reformas institucionais que levem governos de grandes cidades a serem mais responsivos à população local e a terem mais condições (e incentivos) para adotar medidas de regulação local que efetivamente incrementem o desenvolvimento econômico local.

Après une préparation très minutieuse, le Maroc propose à la communauté internationale un projet d'autonomie territorial afin de résoudre le conflit sur le Sahara dit occidental, un conflit qui dérange toute la région depuis maintenant 40 ans. Ce projet est un ensemble de propositions sérieuses que le Maroc offre au POLISARIO afin d'ouvrir des négociations dans le but d'arriver à une solution mutuellement acceptable, cette dernière sera incorporée dans la constitution afin de garantir davantage l'engagement du pouvoir central dans résolution de ce conflit.L'octroi d'une autonomie territoriale au Population sahraoui et à la région du Sahara risque de créer l'asymétrie autrement dit deux pays qui roulent à deux vitesses différentes, donc il est nécessaire de mettre en place la politique de régionalisation, une politique publique capable de garantir au Sahara au sud comme au régions du Nord, l'exercice d'une citoyenneté complète, la construction d'un Etat de droit démocratique, poursuivre le processus de consolidation et de renforcement des institutions d'un Etat moderne, ayant pour fondement les principes de participation, de pluralisme et de bonne gouvernance,une société solidaire où tous jouissent de la sécurité, de la liberté, de l'égalité des chances, ainsi que de la justice sociale. / After a very careful preparation, Morocco offers to the international communauty a bold project that is territorial autonomy to resolve the conflit over the western sahara said, a confli that distrubs the entire Maghreb region for forty years, A conflit between the reality in morocco and algeria through polisario front. Which cost very dear to both contries.The algeria that has no claim on the territory of the sahara still remains the creator, the treasurer and the designer of the polisario policy, the territorial autonomy project is a set of serious proposals that morocco offers the polisario to open negociations in order to reach a mutually acceptable solution, it will be incorporated in the constitution to further ensure the commitment of the central government in the resolution of this conflit. The international community has qualified this project '' serious and credible'' because it incarnates a promising initiative of a better futur for the inhabitants of the camps of tindouf.Garanting territorial autonomy to the population of the sahara could create asymetry ie two countries that work at two different speeds, so it is necessary to establish the regionalzation policy a public policy able to guarantees the sahara as in other region the exercise of citizenship complete building a democratic constitutional state, continue the consolidation process and institution building of a moderne state, having as its basis the principales of participation, pluralism and good governance caring society where all enjoy securitu of freedom, equal opportunity and social justice.

Notre thèse aura pour objet d’appréhender la complexité du concept de décentralisation au regard de la construction de l’État au Mali. Pour mener cette analyse, nous adopterons la méthode dialectique. Celle-ci nous permettra de comprendre comment la décentralisation, entendue comme outil et modalité d’organisation territoriale, mobilise des « moments » de la formation de l’État qui apparaissent comme nécessairement réciproques et peuvent faire l’objet d’un double emploi entre l’unité et le pluralisme. Cet outil technique offre les moyens d’une instrumentalisation politique qui va former l’usage de la décentralisation au Mali ainsi que la possibilité d’une réflexivité des intérêts locaux dans la mise en œuvre de la décentralisation susceptible d’informer juridiquement cette pratique. En ce sens, la décentralisation se développe, initialement, dans le cadre de l’État malien au sein d’un processus ou l’État se trouve - ou se rencontre lui-même – dans la négation des identités locales ; le prix qui sera à payer sera la perte irrémédiable de son identité « à soi ». Dans cette perspective dialectique, la première phase de la décentralisation exprime le passage de l’État « en soi » à l’État « pour soi » au Mali. Cette première phase va se caractériser par l’intégration de la décentralisation dans une « grammaire politique » [Première partie]. C’est cette dissonance initiale et inhérente à la constitution même de l’État qui implique la seconde phase d’instrumentalisation de la décentralisation au Mali. Cette dernière sera ainsi appréhendée non plus dans une perspective politique mais donnera lieu à une réappropriation juridique de la décentralisation qui devrait favoriser l’intégration de ces différences et des singularités territoriales dans l’État malien [Seconde partie]. C’est cette dialectique qu’exprime selon nous l’usage malien de la décentralisation et l’influence du problème Touareg qui va pousser ce système à ses limites: ce concept apparaissant comme un outil plastique devant évoluer au regard des conjonctures et permettant d’inscrire la continuité de l’État dans la durée. / Our thesis will aim to understand the complexity of the concept of decentralization with regard to the construction of the state in Mali. To carry out this analysis, we will adopt the dialectical method. This will enable us to understand how decentralization, understood as a tool and modality of territorial organization, mobilizes "moments" of the formation of the state which appear as necessarily reciprocal and can be the object of a double use between unity and pluralism. This technical tool offers the means for a political instrumentalisation that will form the use of decentralization in Mali as well as the possibility of a reflexivity of the local interests in the implementation of the decentralization likely to inform this practice legally. In this sense, decentralization develops initially within the framework of the Malian state within a process in which the state finds itself - or meets itself - in the negation of local identities; the price to be paid will be the irremediable loss of one's own identity. In this dialectical perspective, the first phase of decentralization expresses the transition from the state "in itself" to the "for itself" state in Mali. This first phase will be characterized by the integration of decentralization into a "political grammar" [Part One]. It is this initial dissonance inherent in the very constitution of the state that implies the second phase of instrumentalization of decentralization in Mali. The latter will thus be apprehended no longer in a political perspective but will give rise to a legal reappropriation of decentralization that should promote the integration of these differences and territorial singularities in the Malian state [Part Two]. It is this dialectic that, in our opinion, is expressed by the Malian use of decentralization and the influence of the Tuareg problem that will push this system to its limits: this concept appears as a plastic tool that must evolve in the light of conjunctures and allows State continuity in the long term.

Ignorées à l’origine par le droit de l’Union européenne, les collectivités locales s’inscrivent pourtant dans les enjeux de l’intégration européenne et s’imposent en qualité de « quasi-sujet » du droit de l’Union européenne.A l’échelle de l’Union européenne, les collectivités locales sont associées de plus en plus à l’élaboration et à la mise en oeuvre des politiques de l’UE. Cependant, leur action reste dépendante des cadres étatiques qui édifient des limites institutionnelles à une participation plus accrue. L’Etat demeure l’acteur institutionnel par excellence.En dépit de ces obstacles, les collectivités locales parviennent à élaborer des stratégies pour influer sur le processus décisionnel en utilisant une diversité de canaux formels et informels.Enfin, elles participent directement à la mise en évidence d’un territoire de l’Union européenne. L’ingénierie locale constitue alors un atout pour l’avenir de l’Union, qui consciente des différences et de la diversité de son territoire, adapte ses politiques et ancre de plus en plus sa démarche dans les préceptes de la Multi level governance (ou gouvernance multi-niveaux). L’émergence de ce modèle de gouvernance est censée pérenniser les acquis et la poursuite de la construction européenne, tout en respectant les traditions constitutionnelles nationales.Ainsi, l’objet de cette thèse est d’envisager les rapports complexes entre l’Union européenne et les collectivités locales. Cette étude ouvre alors sur des perspectives territoriales nouvelles intéressant directement l’Union européenne et inspire une réflexion sur le rôle de ces pouvoirs infra-étatiques dans une Union qui s’inscrit aussi dans un monde globalisé. / For a long time, the European Union has not known about the local and regional authorities.However, local and regional level is a real asset to the Union. They become some almost subject of the European Union.Indeed, local and regional authorities currently have significant powers in key sectors such as education, environment, economic development, land use planning, public services and social policies. They implement the European legislation. Therefore, they also help ensure the exercise of European democracy and citizenship.Despite some significant advances in terms of recognizing their role in the European process, their actions are controlled by their national’s institutional architecture. And as the Union respects the constitutional autonomy of the Member States, which order their relations with regional and local authorities in different ways, it is really complicated to organize relations between European level and local and regional level.In spite of these impediments, the local authorities succeed in establishing strategies in order to be closely involved in shaping and implementing European strategies.Finally, the local authorities also take part into the construction of a European territory.Indeed, the diversity of the local and regional situations shows that it could be a chance. European policies have to be set up to the disparities and the local level is involved into the European decision making process.By another way, the recognition of the key role played by local and regional authorities in the European Union is developing a multilevel vision in the relations between the European actors. If the member States stay the institutional speaker of the European process, their local authorities succeed in integrating the European level. The multi level governance (MLG) has attracted the European Union. The MLG should coordinate action by the European level, the member states and local and regional authorities.This thesis shows the complicated relations between the European Union and the local authorities. Territorial perspectives and new objectives and tools should drive the European Union towards a better democratic integration

Ce mémoire propose un portrait global et une critique de l'état du droit canadien relatif au statut juridique des municipalités. L'adage voulant que les municipalités constituent des créatures des législatures ne possédant aucun statut constitutionnel est un héritage du droit américain (théorie du Dillon 's rule) de la fin du 1ge siècle. Or, plusieurs États américains ont introduit très tôt le principe du home rule (autonomie locale) dans leurs constitutions. Le Canada n'a pas fait de même et les institutions municipales ne sont toujours pas protégées dans la Constitution écrite. On constate toutefois une évolution de la législation et de la jurisprudence vers une augmentation de l'autonomie municipale. Notre hypothèse est que l'existence d'institutions municipales représentées par des élus et pourvues de pouvoirs autonomes dans les matières d'intérêt purement municipal fait partie de la Constitution non écrite. Les exceptions non écrites au pouvoir d'une province de modifier sa constitution interne, ainsi que les principes structurels de la démocratie et de la protection des minorités sont étudiés. Un statut protégé pour les municipalités est conforme au droit international et plusieurs États, dont la Californie et l’Italie, ont constitutionnalisé les pouvoirs locaux. Enfin, nous proposons diverses avenues inspirées du droit international et du droit comparé afin que le Canada, ou le Québec, reconnaisse expressément que l'existence de la troisième branche de gouvernement est protégée et que la Législature ne peut porter atteinte au caractère démocratique des municipalités, ni à leurs pouvoirs municipaux généraux. / This thesis proposes a global portrait and criticism of Canadian Law concerning the legal status of municipalities. The adage that municipalities are merely creatures of legislatures that have no constitutional status is an inheritance of the American Law (Dillon’s rule) dating back to the end of the 19th century. Many American states have rejected this rule though and implemented home rule powers in their state constitution. But canadian case law has not followed and still refuses to recognize constitutional protection to municipalities. We notice however an evolution of the legislation and the case law towards an increase of municipal autonomy. This research tries to demonstrate that the existence of municipal institutions steered by elected representatives and provided with autonomous powers on subjects of purely municipal interest is part of the unwritten constitutional law. The unwritten exceptions to the legislative power of a province to amend its internal constitution and the unwritten fundamental principles of democracy and protection of minorities will be examined. A protected status for municipalities is in compliance with the international instruments concerning local powers and is present in the constitutions of several States, among which California and Italy. Finally, we propose different measures inspired by international law and comparative law for Canada or Quebec to recognize expressly that the existence of the third branch of government is protected and that the democratic character of municipalities and their general municipal powers cannot be withdrawn by the Legislature.

Les lois de la décentralisation ont métamorphosé l'interventionnisme public en termes d'acteurs, de contenus et de méthodes. Les collectivités territoriales ont, ainsi, pu mettre en oeuvre, pour développer leur territoire, des politiques d'attractivité dans le cadre de la libre administration. Les principes de libre administration et d'autonomie, fondements, même relatifs, des pouvoirs locaux, ont entrainé à la fois un changement dans les rapports collectivités territoriales - pouvoir central et collectivités entre elles-mêmes ; et un foisonnement des projets et des instruments de mise en oeuvre des politiques publiques. Bien que les politiques locales de développement soient réalisées dans un cadre juridique constitutionnel, légal et règlementaire, leur complexité interroge l'imbrication des responsabilités, et la cohérence et la cohésion des mécanismes de leur élaboration et de leur mise en oeuvre. La dimension juridique recoupe ainsi d'autres considérations politiques et économiques qui interviennent dans la construction d'une politique territoriale. / The laws of decentralization have transformed public interventionism in terms of actors,content and methods. Local authorities have thus implemented attractiveness policies in thecontext of self-government to develop their territory. The principles of self-government and autonomy, foundations of local government, have led to both a change in their relationship with the central government and the proliferation of projects and instruments of implementation of public policies. Although local development policies are carried out in a constitutional, legal and regulatory legal framework, their complexity calls into question thelinks between responsibilities, and the coherence and cohesion of the mechanisms of their development and implementation. This legal dimension intersects with other political and economic considerations in the construction of a territorial policy.

Ce mémoire propose un portrait global et une critique de l'état du droit canadien relatif au statut juridique des municipalités. L'adage voulant que les municipalités constituent des créatures des législatures ne possédant aucun statut constitutionnel est un héritage du droit américain (théorie du Dillon 's rule) de la fin du 1ge siècle. Or, plusieurs États américains ont introduit très tôt le principe du home rule (autonomie locale) dans leurs constitutions. Le Canada n'a pas fait de même et les institutions municipales ne sont toujours pas protégées dans la Constitution écrite. On constate toutefois une évolution de la législation et de la jurisprudence vers une augmentation de l'autonomie municipale. Notre hypothèse est que l'existence d'institutions municipales représentées par des élus et pourvues de pouvoirs autonomes dans les matières d'intérêt purement municipal fait partie de la Constitution non écrite. Les exceptions non écrites au pouvoir d'une province de modifier sa constitution interne, ainsi que les principes structurels de la démocratie et de la protection des minorités sont étudiés. Un statut protégé pour les municipalités est conforme au droit international et plusieurs États, dont la Californie et l’Italie, ont constitutionnalisé les pouvoirs locaux. Enfin, nous proposons diverses avenues inspirées du droit international et du droit comparé afin que le Canada, ou le Québec, reconnaisse expressément que l'existence de la troisième branche de gouvernement est protégée et que la Législature ne peut porter atteinte au caractère démocratique des municipalités, ni à leurs pouvoirs municipaux généraux. / This thesis proposes a global portrait and criticism of Canadian Law concerning the legal status of municipalities. The adage that municipalities are merely creatures of legislatures that have no constitutional status is an inheritance of the American Law (Dillon’s rule) dating back to the end of the 19th century. Many American states have rejected this rule though and implemented home rule powers in their state constitution. But canadian case law has not followed and still refuses to recognize constitutional protection to municipalities. We notice however an evolution of the legislation and the case law towards an increase of municipal autonomy. This research tries to demonstrate that the existence of municipal institutions steered by elected representatives and provided with autonomous powers on subjects of purely municipal interest is part of the unwritten constitutional law. The unwritten exceptions to the legislative power of a province to amend its internal constitution and the unwritten fundamental principles of democracy and protection of minorities will be examined. A protected status for municipalities is in compliance with the international instruments concerning local powers and is present in the constitutions of several States, among which California and Italy. Finally, we propose different measures inspired by international law and comparative law for Canada or Quebec to recognize expressly that the existence of the third branch of government is protected and that the democratic character of municipalities and their general municipal powers cannot be withdrawn by the Legislature.