2 The exploratory interest of the thesis, Emperor Augustus in Two Successful Novels, focuses Augustus' belletristic interpretation. The thesis provides analysis of two novels and their subsequent comparison with sources and literature. Special emphasis is given to political milestones in Augustus' life.

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The diploma thesis deals with the life and reign of Augustus, the first Roman emperor from the Julian-Claudian dynasty, and compares it to the only one television film about this historical figure. In the opening chapter, the author analyses the history of the Roman Empire from 133 BC to the death of Gaius Iulius Caesar in 44 BC. The other part of the thesis deals with the life and the reign of Augustus who influenced the Roman Empire for several decades. The third and the fourth chapter are devoted to the analysis of the historical film Imperium: Augustus and its comparison with the primary and secondary literature. The last chapter deals with applying the sequences of this historical film in history classes in schools.

Mécène est plus connu pour son rôle de « politique culturelle » sous Auguste que pour son action purement politique. Celle-ci couvrit pourtant des domaines variés : fiscalité, diplomatie, sécurité intérieure, vraisemblablement levée de certaines troupes. Le travail ici présenté peut-être défini comme une explicitation complète et une réévaluation des sources relues sous un angle essentiellement politique. L’étude minutieuse de sa famille et de son entourage permet, en effet, de mettre en évidence sa part dans l’élaboration de l’idéologie impériale et la postérité de ses traits. L’explicitation des éléments de sa carrière et leur intégration dans l’histoire politique générale de la fin de la République et du début de l’Empire permettent également de définir sa place dans le modèle de transition institutionnelle où le non-dit joua un rôle immense. Ses fonctions doivent ainsi être envisagées sous un triple rapport : en regard des institutions républicaines permettant ainsi d’évaluer la part de vérité ou de réalité de la res publica restituta proclamée par Auguste ; en regard du contexte immédiat, permettant d’évaluer la portée des circonstances ou du caractère planifié des réformes d’Octavien/Auguste ; enfin en regard des institutions impériales dont il pourra être considéré comme le « laboratoire ». La fixation de la chronologie de cette carrière permet d’éclairer le champ politique depuis l’année 44 : la nature de ses pouvoirs et sa manière d’occuper ses fonctions permettent de déterminer la coloration politique du régime naissant en constante évolution. Enfin, il est bien clair que Mécène trouve sa spécificité dans ses origines étrusques qu’il revendiquait fermement, quitte à s’opposer aux modèles de restauration morale et « nationale » développés par Auguste de manière contemporaine. Toléré et parfois courtisé parce qu’il portait avec lui le soutien de l’Étrurie et de l’Italie, et qu’il contribuait ainsi à faire entrer ces dernières dans le jeu politique romain, Mécène nous permet de définir avec plus de précision la place occupée par les Italiens dans la politique augustéenne et dans la construction d’identités locales en Italie / C. Maecenas is best known for his role in culture at the beginning of Augustus’ principate than for his political role. He acted however in various fields: taxation, diplomacy, home security and probably levied troops. This work aims at presenting a thorough explanation and reevaluating the sources from a political point of view. The close examination of his family and acquaintances enables me to show the part he played in the elaboration of the imperial ideology and the posterity of his own characteristics as they were depicted. Explaining his carrier and integrating it into the general history of politics at the end of the Republic and the beginning of the Empire, also allows a definition of his position in the institutional transition in Rome. His role must be considered from a triple point of view: in comparison with the republican institutions so as to estimate how true or real was the res publica restituta proclaimed by Augustus; in view of the current context so as to assess the importance of circumstances or the possible planning of Octavian/Augustus’ reforms; finally, in view of the imperial institutions of which he was a sort of laboratory or test bed. Fixing the chronology of his carrier makes it possible to shed light on the Roman political world from 44 b.C. onwards: the nature of his powers, the way of holding his offices makes it possible to determine the real nature of the new regime in constant evolution. Finally, it is very clear that C. Maecenas owes his specificity to his Etruscan origins that he proudly claimed, even if it meant being against the Augustan moral and “national” restoration program. C. Maecenas was tolerated for bringing the support of Etruria and Italy to Augustus: he made them enter the Roman political system and he makes it possible to estimate their positions in Augustan politics and the degree of elaboration of local identities in Italy

O trabalho ora apresentado versa a respeito do delicado problema dos sistemas de emergência. A tese objetiva demonstrar, num primeiro momento, o quanto a legislação de emergência pátria está defasada e com pouca chance de êxito na hipótese do Brasil ser acometido por uma crise de grandes proporções. E, diante desse cenário, propor um novo sistema constitucional de crise. Inicia-se a tese abordando os precedentes históricos das medidas de emergência, seus tipos e suas classificações. No segundo capítulo, explora-se as medidas de emergência previstas no direito brasileiro. Na terceira parte do trabalho, são analisados os estudos de autores clássicos referentes aos problemas da defesa da ordem constitucional. Analisa-se também o trabalho do Professor de Direito e Ciência Politica na Universidade de Yale Bruce Ackerman. No quarto capítulo são investigados os pontos positivos e negativos dos diferentes instrumentos de exceção existentes, fundados impreterivelmente na concentração de plenos poderes nas mãos do Executivo. No derradeiro capítulo da tese é apresentado um novo modelo de sistema constitucional de crise para o Brasil. Trata-se da instituição de uma espécie de conselho, formado a partir da indicação dos chefes dos três poderes do Estado, que se reuniria nos momentos de tempestades institucionais para decidir, conjuntamente, a respeito das providências de exceção a serem adotadas. A fórmula constitucional proposta se consubstancia num instituto tripartite, ou seja, numa aliança de três pessoas. É uma solução político-institucional inovadora e desenvolvida com vistas a aparar a maior parte das deficiências e inconveniências da vigente técnica de defesa brasileira. Denomina-se triunvirato de emergência. / The work here presented is about the delicate problem of the emergency systems. The thesis aims to demonstrate, at a first, how much the homelands emergency system is outdated and with little chance of success in the case of Brazil being affected by a major crisis. And, with this scenario in mind, propose a new constitutional crisis system. The thesis starts by addressing the historical precedents of the emergency measures, their types and their classifications. The second chapter explores the emergency measures provided for in Brazilian law. In the third part of the work, the studies of classical authors referring to the problems of constitutional order defense are analyzed. It also examines the work of Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University Bruce Ackerman. In the fourth chapter the strengths and weaknesses of the existing different instruments of exception are investigated, founded imperatively in the concentration of full powers in the hands of the Executive. In the final chapter of the thesis a new constitutional crisis system model for Brazil is presented. It is about the institution of a kind of council, formed from the indication of the heads of the three branches of government, which would meet in times of institutional storms to decide, jointly, about the exception steps to be taken. The proposed constitutional formula is embodied in a tripartite institute, meaning an alliance of three people. It is an innovative political-institutional solution and developed in order to trim most of the deficiencies and drawbacks of the current Brazilian defense technique. It is called \"emergency triumvirate\".

O trabalho ora apresentado versa a respeito do delicado problema dos sistemas de emergência. A tese objetiva demonstrar, num primeiro momento, o quanto a legislação de emergência pátria está defasada e com pouca chance de êxito na hipótese do Brasil ser acometido por uma crise de grandes proporções. E, diante desse cenário, propor um novo sistema constitucional de crise. Inicia-se a tese abordando os precedentes históricos das medidas de emergência, seus tipos e suas classificações. No segundo capítulo, explora-se as medidas de emergência previstas no direito brasileiro. Na terceira parte do trabalho, são analisados os estudos de autores clássicos referentes aos problemas da defesa da ordem constitucional. Analisa-se também o trabalho do Professor de Direito e Ciência Politica na Universidade de Yale Bruce Ackerman. No quarto capítulo são investigados os pontos positivos e negativos dos diferentes instrumentos de exceção existentes, fundados impreterivelmente na concentração de plenos poderes nas mãos do Executivo. No derradeiro capítulo da tese é apresentado um novo modelo de sistema constitucional de crise para o Brasil. Trata-se da instituição de uma espécie de conselho, formado a partir da indicação dos chefes dos três poderes do Estado, que se reuniria nos momentos de tempestades institucionais para decidir, conjuntamente, a respeito das providências de exceção a serem adotadas. A fórmula constitucional proposta se consubstancia num instituto tripartite, ou seja, numa aliança de três pessoas. É uma solução político-institucional inovadora e desenvolvida com vistas a aparar a maior parte das deficiências e inconveniências da vigente técnica de defesa brasileira. Denomina-se triunvirato de emergência. / The work here presented is about the delicate problem of the emergency systems. The thesis aims to demonstrate, at a first, how much the homelands emergency system is outdated and with little chance of success in the case of Brazil being affected by a major crisis. And, with this scenario in mind, propose a new constitutional crisis system. The thesis starts by addressing the historical precedents of the emergency measures, their types and their classifications. The second chapter explores the emergency measures provided for in Brazilian law. In the third part of the work, the studies of classical authors referring to the problems of constitutional order defense are analyzed. It also examines the work of Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University Bruce Ackerman. In the fourth chapter the strengths and weaknesses of the existing different instruments of exception are investigated, founded imperatively in the concentration of full powers in the hands of the Executive. In the final chapter of the thesis a new constitutional crisis system model for Brazil is presented. It is about the institution of a kind of council, formed from the indication of the heads of the three branches of government, which would meet in times of institutional storms to decide, jointly, about the exception steps to be taken. The proposed constitutional formula is embodied in a tripartite institute, meaning an alliance of three people. It is an innovative political-institutional solution and developed in order to trim most of the deficiencies and drawbacks of the current Brazilian defense technique. It is called \"emergency triumvirate\".