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Yes / Liberia’s 2017 elections represented a watershed moment in the country’s political history. In addition to completing the first democratic transfer of power from one president to another since 1944, it resulted in wide representation across many different parties and independents as well as high levels of legislative turn-overs. Additionally, these polls brought forward unprecedented numbers of party reconfigurations, increased levels of defections, and politicians/parties losing abysmally in presumed ethno-regional bases. In this article, we argue that Liberia currently exists in a post-war arena of “post-party” politics where a profound disregard for parties is the norm, and in which the electorate and politicians alike forum shop for candidates and/or political configurations they presume will deliver the best results at national, sub-national and local levels. Although literature exploring electoral trends in Africa tends to over-emphasize ethno-regionalism as a driver and constraint in the choices of voters and politicians, we demonstrate instead that Liberians make relatively informed, strategic decisions about political alliances and ballot casting thereby subverting allegiances to ethnicity and region. By further eschewing party loyalties, Liberians have gradually become astute forum shoppers in a political marketplace that makes running for office and voting complex undertakings.

The purpose of this paper will be to look into the election returns to find some of the factors which have caused the trend of voters shifting away from the Democratic party towards the Republican party in presidential elections.

This is a study of Korean presidential elections. Its purpose is to determine how Koreans voted in the 1992 and 1997 presidential elections and to examine the factors that contributed to winners. In addition, the study compares the two elections by developing three models: candidate choice, voter turnout and political interest models. Using post election data from the Korean Social Science Data Center a multinomial logit regression was used in the candidate choice model. It shows that Korean voters selected their candidates mainly in terms of interest in the elections, age, orientation toward the governing or opposition parties, the regional effects of the Southwest (Honam) and the Southeast (Youngnam), and the evaluation of merged parties in 1992 or a united candidacy of parties in 1997. A Monte Carlo simulation was also employed to test the traditional assumption of candidate strength. It indicates that Kim Young-Sam had a more cohesive support from his older supporters in the 1992 election while Kim Dae-Jung had a greater cohesive support from his older supporters in the 1997 election. Both Kim Young-Sam's and Kim Dae-Jung's loyalists were crucial to the winning candidates in the 1992 and 1997 elections respectively. How did people vote? To address this question a logit analysis of voter turnout was employed. Comparing the 1997 election to that of 1992 the findings suggest that low-probability voters in 1997 had: low efficacy, a negative evaluation of the Central Election Management Commission, claimed to be independent, young, and lived in areas other than Youngnam and Honam. Their lower turnout was a significant factor in the opposition candidate, Kim Dae-Jung's election. Finally, since political interest is closely related to political participation, an ordered logit model of political interest was developed. The results showed that the media and popularity of major candidates significantly contributed to Korean voters' interest in the elections.

- Direct presidential election in the Czech Republic: reasons, conditions, consequences This diploma thesis is concerned with different aspects of implementation of the direct presidential election in the Czech Republic. It is aimed to discover the actual reasons for passing the Constitutional Act No. 71/2012 Coll., which introduces this institute into the Czech constitutional system. For the purpose of doing so, the thesis is divided into three parts. The first one presents and evaluates particular arguments (historical, political, constitutional, legal etc.), which were used by the proponents of this institute on one hand and by its opponents on the other. The content of the second part is the most extensive as it follows up the comparison of bills attempting to implement the direct presidential election into the Constitutional Act since 2001 up to the present. Therefore this part contains thirteen bills in total, including the one, which later becomes the Act No. 71/2012 Coll. Individual bills are compared and contrasted. The pertinent political and social circumstances accompanying their origin are also briefly mentioned. As the result of this comparison the author comes to the conclusion that the true motive to pass the Constitutional Act No. 71/2012 Coll does not lie in its content or its...

Notre travail se propose d’analyser selon quelles modalités se mettent en place et évoluent les intégrations élitaires de type thermidorien qui sont à l’oeuvre au Cameroun de 1992 à 2011, au travers des transactions liées à la candidature aux élections présidentielles.En décembre 1990, après 4 décennies d’un régime présidentiel monolithique, des forces d’opposition émergent à l’occasion de la libéralisation de la vie politique, dans l’optique de renverser le pouvoir en place, dans une logique révolutionnaire. Au bout de deux décennies de pluralisme, à défaut d’avoir remplacé le pouvoir en place, certains des membres de la fronde contre le pouvoir sont intégrés dans les instances gouvernementales du régime, occasionnant une révolution thermidorienne. Nous passons en revue les différents éléments (systémiques et conjoncturels) facilitateurs de l’intégration élitaire, au sortir d’une période autoritaire et qui favorisent les intégrations des anciens révolutionnaires dans le centre du pouvoir. Les conditions analysées sont les suivantes en ce qui concerne les éléments systémiques : une structuration élitaire centralisée qui freine la mise en place d’un polycentre, une opposition autonome, un recrutement élitaire décentralisé, le mésocratisme comme coutume du champ politique. Les éléments conjoncturels qui initient l’intégration élitaire postautoritaire, et que nous analysons, sont les suivants : la possession par les élites émergeantes des caractéristiques de la nouvelle donne du jeu politique (référentiels démocratiques), le défaut de cette nouvelle caractéristique chez les élites en position dans le pouvoir central, la capacité chez les élites intermédiaires d’exercer une pression sur le centre du pouvoir, afin de modifier l’agenda politique, et enfin, la possibilité pour les élites en place de mettre à profit les leviers institutionnels dont ils disposent pour rassembler les différentes factions en présence / Our work aims at studying how the thermidorian-type elite integrations witnessed in Cameroon from 1992 to 2011 are set up and evolve, based on transactions linked to the candidacy for presidential elections. In december 1990, after 4 decades of one-party presidential system, opposition forces emerged thanks to the liberalisation of political life in december 1990, with the aim of toppling the powers that be, through a revolutionary move. After two decades of pluralism, some members of the opposition who have not succeeded to replace the people in power are integrated into public bodies of the regime, thus causing a thermidorian revolution. We are reviewing the various elements (system andsituational) facilitating elite integration at the end of an authoritarian period and which foster the integration of former revolutionaries into the centre of power. The following conditions are reviewed, including: a centralised elite structure which hinders the setting up of a polycentre for an independent opposition, a decentralised elite recruitment, mesocratism as a practice in the political field. Situational elements which promote the integration of post-authoritarian elite and that we are analysing are the following :emerging elite possess the characteristics of the new order of political game (democraticreferences), elite in the central power lack of this new characteristics, intermediary elite are able to mount pressure on the central power to change the political agenda, and lastly, the elite in power can use institutional levers at their disposal to bring the various existing factions together

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-06T12:47:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Barilari Bibini.pdf: 884053 bytes, checksum: 8b8954820a41c2eed2c0072ed7833a77 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-06T12:47:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Barilari Bibini.pdf: 884053 bytes, checksum: 8b8954820a41c2eed2c0072ed7833a77 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-29 / The intention of this paper is that based on an analysis of the media coverage of the 2014 presidential elections, by means of communication vehicles such as the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de São Paulo Which is a website of the Laboratory of Media and Public Sphere Studies (LEMEP), in which the same is dedicated to accompanying the media coverage of the 2014 elections produce a journal of political coverage in the mainstream media and with this analysis, linked to the term Of the Policy Representation Scenario - CRP, to identify the media approach and whether it had a relevant weight in the image of negative and criminalization of the PT in the electoral period / A intenção desta pesquisa é, a partir de análise da cobertura midiática das eleições presidenciais de 2014, por meios de veículos de comunicação como os jornais Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de São Paulo, os de maior circulação do país, além do Manchetômetro, que é um website do Laboratório de Estudos de Mídia e Esfera Pública (LEMEP), no qual o mesmo dedica-se em acompanhar a cobertura midiática das eleições 2014 produzir um diário da cobertura política na grande mídia e com esta análise, vinculada ao termo de Cenário de Representação da Política - CRP, identificar a abordagem midiática e se a mesma teve peso relevante na imagem de negativa e de criminalização do PT no período eleitoral

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Homero de Oliveira Costa.pdf: 1361012 bytes, checksum: 3b433e579e98649e264620dbbd94b019 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-12-08 / This Study aims at analyzing electoral alienation, this is, white and null voting as well as voting abstention at Brazilian presidential elections from 1989 to 2002. The used methodology was data collecting in each state and region. Firstly, a review on international electoral bahavior studies, mainly from Europe, the United States and Latin America, was carried out showing that there is a growth one of the electoral alienation items, voting abstention. Is this chapter it will be shown some models and/or theories along with their respective explanations (Columbia and Michigan, theories on rational choice, social integration, etc.). It is observed that although the growth on voting abstention is a constitutive part of electoral behavior in most of those estudied countries there is no model and/or theory which would isolated explain this. Its should be taken into account in the analysis several factors as well as to establish differences not only among continentes as in Europe and Latin America. But no matter the differences among the countries what seems to go on worldwide is a political party crisis as well a political representation crisis which without this the electoral alienation can not be understood. In other words, this political representation has to be more widely considered within this crisis. Data on electoral alienation considering abstention as well as null and white voting also showed a disbelieving and a non-legitimacy of political parties. For the Brazilian context, the electoral behavior and the political party crisis as well as their political representation were analyzed by a pertinent literature review specifically the one postl964. Finally, at the results of each analyzed electoral year there is an introdution on the political-electoral context. Afterwards, data are shown using for each defined variable linear regression model by minimum square method. Conclusion shows that each HDI (Human Developing Index) and SEI (Social Exclusion Index) variables montly explain the null and white voting while territorial extension also mostly explains electoral abstention. However it was shown that isolated factors do not explain electoral alienation rating thus it is also needed to consider other factors such as the political context organization (more competing election consequentely lower electoral alienation rate) and the role od media within the respective electoral processes (wider broadcasting thus more participation and lower alienation rate) which are inserted in a more general view of the party crisis as well as the political representation / Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a alienação eleitoral (votos brancos, nulos e abstenções) nas eleições presidenciais no Brasil de l989 a 2002. Nossa opção metodológica foi trabalhar com dados agregados, por estado e região, tendo como fonte os dados oficiais (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral). Para cumprir os objetivos do trabalho, dividimos em cinco capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, fizemos uma revisão da literatura internacional sobre comportamento eleitoral, especialmente em relação à Europa, trazendo alguns dados comparativos sobre os países, evidenciando que uma das questões importantes nesse estudo, pelo menos desde a década de l990, é o crescimento principalmente de um dos componentes da alienação eleitoral, que é a abstenção eleitoral. Inicialmente, apresentamos alguns modelos e/ou teorias (Columbia e Michigan, teoria da escolha racional, teoria da integração social etc), alguns dados comparativos entre países, que mostram como especialmente a abstenção eleitoral, tem crescido de forma significativa na maioria desses países. Procurei situar parte da literatura pertinente sobre o tema, com suas distintas interpretações. Apresentamos alguns estudos e dados também sobre a América Latina. No segundo capítulo, partimos do princípio que há uma crise dos partidos políticos e da representação política e que não se pode compreender a alienação eleitoral sem inseri-la no quadro mais geral da crise dos partidos políticos e da representação política, ou seja, os dados da alienação eleitoral, quer em termos de abstenção, quer em termos de votos nulos e brancos, também expressam uma descrença e deslegitimação dos partidos políticos. No terceiro e quarto capítulos, analisamos estas questões (comportamento eleitoral e crise dos partidos e da representação política) no Brasil, fazendo uma revisão da literatura pertinente, mais especificamente no pós l964. E finalmente o capítulo cinco em que apresentamos os resultados de nossa pesquisa. Para cada ano eleitoral analisado, fizemos uma introdução com dados sobre a conjuntura político-eleitoral, em seguida, apresentamos os dados, aplicando, para cada variável definida, o modelo de regressão linear pelo método dos mínimos quadrados. A conclusão é a de que as variáveis IDH (Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano) e IES (Índice de Exclusão Social), explicam em grande parte os votos nulos e brancos enquanto a Extensão territorial explica também em grande parte a abstenção eleitoral. No entanto, procuramos demonstrar que não são fatores isolados que explicam a taxa de alienação eleitoral Há de se considerar também outros fatores, como os de ordem político-conjuntural (eleições mais concorridas, com dois turnos têm maior participação eleitoral e, em conseqüência, menor taxa de alienação eleitoral); o papel da mídia nos respectivos processos eleitorais (maior cobertura, maior participação e menor taxa de alienação eleitoral), inseridos no quadro mais geral da crise dos partidos e da representação política