In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LLD

This master thesis "Visual presentation of presidential candidates on Facebook" provides an image analysis of presidential candidates on social network in the period before and during the election in 2013. The theoretical part tackles the role of visual political communication, including image values and ideology, the relationship of the image and the text or media image research and seamlessly continues the formation of the political media image in modern political communication. The following quantitative content analysis analyses the context of the visual media image building within individual profiles of candidates, evaluates the work with images and text components, discusses the question, who creates the media profile of candidates and in combination with the qualitative image analysis reveals specific features of media profile building of individual candidates.

La thèse retrace les nombreuses positions des responsables politiques français vis à vis de la notion de cohabitation au cours des années 1958-2017 et met en évidence leurs contradictions institutionnelles qui se révèlent en fonction de situations et de circonstances politiques données. Elle souligne ainsi les nombreuses divergences institutionnelles de la droite sur le sujet : le refus cohabitationniste du régime Gaullien et Pompidolien, le consentement Giscardien de 1978, la division au sein-même de la droite au cours des années Mitterrand entre 1981 et 1995, l'union dans la dénonciation au cours du premier mandat de Jacques Chirac entre 1995 et 2002 et enfin une succession de contradictions au cours des années 2002-2017. La thèse relève aussi certaines divergences institutionnelles du côté de la gauche socialiste : une volonté cohabitationniste au cours des années 1958-1981, une sérieuse réserve au cours des années 1981-1986 puis 1988-1993, une satisfaction cohabitationniste au cours des années 1997-2002 et également une succession de contradictions au cours des années 2002-2017. La thèse montre donc la manière dont les responsables politiques ont fait évoluer leurs doctrines institutionnelles en fonction de situations et de circonstances politiques données et cherche aussi à expliquer leurs nombreuses stratégies personnelles et leurs réflexions institutionnelles vis à vis de la cohabitation. / The thesis recalls the many positions of the French political officials with respect to the concept of cohabitation during years 1958-2017 and highlights their institutional contradictions which appear according to situations and political circumstances given. It thus emphasizes the many institutional divergences of the right-hand side on the subject : the cohabitationnist refusal of the Gaullist and Pompidolian regims, the Giscardian assent of 1978, the division within the right during Mitterrand years between 1981 and 1995, the union in the denunciation during the first mandate of Jacques Chirac between 1995 and 2002 and finally a succession of contradictions during years 2002-2017. The thesis also records certain institutional divergences on the side of the socialist left : a cohabitationnist will during years 1958-1981, a serious reserve during years 1981-1986 then 1988-1993, a cohabitationnist satisfaction during years 1997-2002 and also a succession of contradictions during years 2002-2017. The thesis shows so the way in which the political leaders have evolved their institutional doctrines according to situations and political circumstances given and also tries to explain their numerous personal strategies and their institutional reflections with respect to the cohabitation.

Esta dissertação propõe-se a analisar a mídia impressa, enfocando as revistas Época e IstoÉ e sua cobertura sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e de 2014 no Brasil, a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero. Buscou-se identificar como foram construídas as figuras políticas das candidatas Dilma Rousseff (PT), Marina Silva (PV e PSB) em relação ao candidato José Serra (PSDB) e Aécio Neves (PSDB) nesses pleitos. A hipótese levantada é que esses semanários promoveram uma representação diferenciada com base no gênero das candidatas/os à presidência da República, a partir de narrativas que reforçam a associação socialmente aceita do feminino com a esfera privada e do masculino com a esfera pública. Considerando que a política e a mídia são campos em constante interação, e que os fatos ocorridos em um terão repercussão no outro, entende-se a mídia como um ator central do jogo político contemporâneo. Em ambos os campos a participação das mulheres é assimétrica e diferenciada em relação aos homens. Deste modo, torna-se importante questionar como a mídia impressa contribui para a manutenção do cenário de baixa representação feminina na política institucional e quais narrativas são construídas sobre as mulheres que disputam importantes cargos eletivos. A abordagem dos 194 textos selecionados deu-se através do uso da técnica de análise de conteúdo e tendo como suporte a Teoria política feminista e seu debate em torno da díade esfera pública e esfera privada. A partir da análise empreendida conclui-se que em ambas as revistas investigadas a representação das candidatas Dilma e Marina foi diferenciada de seus concorrentes homens. O gênero foi um marcador importante na narrativa construída pela mídia impressa sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e 2014, em que as candidatas têm seus corpos, personalidade e vida pessoal e afetiva mais exploradas nos textos jornalísticos do que seus concorrentes homens. Também foi constatada a reprodução e reforço de estereótipos socialmente associados às mulheres, bem como uma desqualificação sistemática da figura de Dilma Rousseff e uma interseção entre classe e gênero na representação de Marina Silva. / This dissertation aims to analyse print media, focusing on the magazines Época and IstoÉ and their reporting of the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, from a gender perspective. The goal was to identify how the political figures of the candidates Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Marina Silva (PV and PSB) were constructed, in comparison to the candidates José Serra (PSDB) and Aécio Neves (PSDB) during the referred litigations. The hypothesis brought up is that these weekly publications promoted a distinct representation based on the gender of the presidency candidates, starting from the narratives that reinforce the socially accepted association of the feminine to the private sphere and the masculine to the public sphere. Considering that politics and the mass media are fields in constant interaction, that the events transpired in one will echo on the other, the mass media is understood to be a primal player in the contemporary political scenario. In both fields women’s participation is asymmetric and differentiated if compared to men. Thus, it’s relevant to question how the print media contributes to maintain the scenario of low feminine representation in institutional politics, as well as which narratives are constructed regarding women who compete for important elective positions. The approach of the 194 selected texts was made using the technique of content analysis, having as support the political feminist theory and it’s debate on the dyade public sphere/private sphere. Through the performed analysis it was made clear that in both magazines investigated the representation of the candidates Dilma and Marina was essentially different than that of their male competitors. Gender was a relevant topic in the narrative constructed by the print media regarding the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, in which the feminine candidates have their bodies, personality, as well as personal and affective lives more exploited in journalistic texts then their male competitors. It was also verified the reproduction and reinforcement of stereotypes socially associated to women, as well as a systematic disqualification of Dilma Rousseff’s figure and an intersection between class and gender in the representation of Marina Silva.

Submitted by Cristiane Chim (cristiane.chim@ucpel.edu.br) on 2018-04-25T12:18:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Silveira de Menezes.pdf: 5643997 bytes, checksum: fa3bdff98ded7e9f97d9e8f178cb2ede (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-25T12:18:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Silveira de Menezes.pdf: 5643997 bytes, checksum: fa3bdff98ded7e9f97d9e8f178cb2ede (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES# / #2075167498588264571# / #600 / The Phd thesis, presented here, analyzes the coverage of the 2014 presidential elections in Brazil, dealing with issues related to the application and applicability of the analysis of pecheuxtiana discourse in the field of journalistic training. We consider the discursive functioning of Brazilian journalism, in its different forms of materialization, we can identify significant contributions of DA to the practice of professional practice. When we make such an analysis, in communication groups registered in antagonistic discursive formations (FDI / Grupo Folha and FDCI / Rede Brasil Atual), it is identified according to the report. In order to better organize this research, we have chosen to divide it into four chapters. In the first one, we present the analytical corpus and define the methodology employed, emphasizing that the analysis of the selected material occurs in the course of all the work. The second chapter is dedicated to a (re) reading of the main theories of journalism under the bias of DA. This theoretical path allows us to understand the proximity - and, above all, distancing - between the currents of thought in vogue, today, in the process of training Brazilian journalists. From there, we discuss the pertinence of the inclusion of the discursive theory that we are proposing in the process of training the professional of the area. With the third chapter, we began to demonstrate the heterogeneous nature of journalistic texts, advancing in the interpretive gestures necessary to think about the journalist's role, redefining concepts and demonstrating, through different discursive materialities, how the production of meanings in the Brazilian journalism. Therefore, we consider the interrelationship of digital, printed, radio and television media, considering that the current context of news production and circulation occurs through the production conditions of Computer-mediated Communication (CMC). Therefore, although cyber journalism is not the focus of this study, some of its characteristics are redistricted, from the point of view of DA, allowing us to develop the concept of cyber journalistic event. The fourth - and last - chapter of this thesis takes a look at all the research. Thus, we move two fundamental concepts for the theory of journalism: editor (spokesperson) and sources (subject sources). As a conclusion effect, we present a possible way to continue the proposal of contribution of the analysis of the pecheuxtian discourse to the journalistic formation, considering the different - and always changeable - materialities that constitute this professional activity. / A tese de doutorado, aqui apresentada, analisa a cobertura das eleições presidenciais de 2014, no Brasil, tratando de questões ligadas à inserção e aplicabilidade da análise de discurso pecheuxtiana no âmbito da formação jornalística. Considerando o funcionamento discursivo do jornalismo brasileiro, nas suas diferentes formas de materialização, podemos identificar contribuições significativas da AD para o exercício da referida prática profissional. Ao realizarmos tal análise, em grupos de comunicação inscritos em FD’s antagônicas (FDI/Grupo Folha e FDCI/Rede Brasil Atual), identificamos gestos de interpretação importantes para se repensar o fazer jornalístico. Com vistas a melhor organização desta pesquisa, optamos por dividi-la em quatro capítulos. No primeiro, apresentamos o corpus analítico e definimos a metodologia empregada, ressaltando que a análise do material selecionado se dá no transcorrer de todo o trabalho. O segundo capítulo dedica-se a uma (re)leitura das principais teorias do jornalismo sob o viés da AD. Tal percurso teórico nos permite compreender as proximidades – e, sobretudo, os distanciamentos – entre as correntes de pensamento em voga, hoje, no processo de formação dos jornalistas brasileiros. A partir daí, discorrermos sobre a pertinência da inclusão da teoria discursiva que estamos propondo no processo de formação do profissional da área. Com o terceiro capítulo, passamos a demonstrar a natureza heterogênea dos textos jornalísticos, avançando nos gestos de interpretação necessários para se pensar a atuação do sujeito jornalista, redefinindo conceitos e demonstrando, por meio de diferentes materialidades discursivas, como se dá a produção de sentidos no jornalismo brasileiro. Consideramos, para tanto, a inter-relação das mídias digital, impressa, radiofônica e televisa, tendo em vista que o atual contexto da produção e circulação de notícias se dá por meio das condições de produção próprias da Comunicação Mediada pelo Computador (CMC). Sendo assim, embora o ciberjornalismo não seja o foco deste estudo, algumas de suas características são rediscutidas, sob a ótica da AD, permitindo-nos desenvolver o conceito de acontecimento ciberjornalístico. O quarto – e último – capítulo desta tese faz um apanhado de toda a pesquisa. Realizamos, assim, o deslocamento de dois conceitos fundamentais para a teoria do jornalismo: editor (porta-voz) e fontes (sujeitos fonte). Como efeito de conclusão, apresentamos um caminho possível para dar continuidade à proposta de contribuição da análise de discurso pecheuxtiana para a formação jornalística, considerando as diferentes – e sempre mutáveis – materialidades constitutivas desta atividade profissional.

In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D.

Esta dissertação propõe-se a analisar a mídia impressa, enfocando as revistas Época e IstoÉ e sua cobertura sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e de 2014 no Brasil, a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero. Buscou-se identificar como foram construídas as figuras políticas das candidatas Dilma Rousseff (PT), Marina Silva (PV e PSB) em relação ao candidato José Serra (PSDB) e Aécio Neves (PSDB) nesses pleitos. A hipótese levantada é que esses semanários promoveram uma representação diferenciada com base no gênero das candidatas/os à presidência da República, a partir de narrativas que reforçam a associação socialmente aceita do feminino com a esfera privada e do masculino com a esfera pública. Considerando que a política e a mídia são campos em constante interação, e que os fatos ocorridos em um terão repercussão no outro, entende-se a mídia como um ator central do jogo político contemporâneo. Em ambos os campos a participação das mulheres é assimétrica e diferenciada em relação aos homens. Deste modo, torna-se importante questionar como a mídia impressa contribui para a manutenção do cenário de baixa representação feminina na política institucional e quais narrativas são construídas sobre as mulheres que disputam importantes cargos eletivos. A abordagem dos 194 textos selecionados deu-se através do uso da técnica de análise de conteúdo e tendo como suporte a Teoria política feminista e seu debate em torno da díade esfera pública e esfera privada. A partir da análise empreendida conclui-se que em ambas as revistas investigadas a representação das candidatas Dilma e Marina foi diferenciada de seus concorrentes homens. O gênero foi um marcador importante na narrativa construída pela mídia impressa sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e 2014, em que as candidatas têm seus corpos, personalidade e vida pessoal e afetiva mais exploradas nos textos jornalísticos do que seus concorrentes homens. Também foi constatada a reprodução e reforço de estereótipos socialmente associados às mulheres, bem como uma desqualificação sistemática da figura de Dilma Rousseff e uma interseção entre classe e gênero na representação de Marina Silva. / This dissertation aims to analyse print media, focusing on the magazines Época and IstoÉ and their reporting of the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, from a gender perspective. The goal was to identify how the political figures of the candidates Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Marina Silva (PV and PSB) were constructed, in comparison to the candidates José Serra (PSDB) and Aécio Neves (PSDB) during the referred litigations. The hypothesis brought up is that these weekly publications promoted a distinct representation based on the gender of the presidency candidates, starting from the narratives that reinforce the socially accepted association of the feminine to the private sphere and the masculine to the public sphere. Considering that politics and the mass media are fields in constant interaction, that the events transpired in one will echo on the other, the mass media is understood to be a primal player in the contemporary political scenario. In both fields women’s participation is asymmetric and differentiated if compared to men. Thus, it’s relevant to question how the print media contributes to maintain the scenario of low feminine representation in institutional politics, as well as which narratives are constructed regarding women who compete for important elective positions. The approach of the 194 selected texts was made using the technique of content analysis, having as support the political feminist theory and it’s debate on the dyade public sphere/private sphere. Through the performed analysis it was made clear that in both magazines investigated the representation of the candidates Dilma and Marina was essentially different than that of their male competitors. Gender was a relevant topic in the narrative constructed by the print media regarding the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, in which the feminine candidates have their bodies, personality, as well as personal and affective lives more exploited in journalistic texts then their male competitors. It was also verified the reproduction and reinforcement of stereotypes socially associated to women, as well as a systematic disqualification of Dilma Rousseff’s figure and an intersection between class and gender in the representation of Marina Silva.

Esta dissertação propõe-se a analisar a mídia impressa, enfocando as revistas Época e IstoÉ e sua cobertura sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e de 2014 no Brasil, a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero. Buscou-se identificar como foram construídas as figuras políticas das candidatas Dilma Rousseff (PT), Marina Silva (PV e PSB) em relação ao candidato José Serra (PSDB) e Aécio Neves (PSDB) nesses pleitos. A hipótese levantada é que esses semanários promoveram uma representação diferenciada com base no gênero das candidatas/os à presidência da República, a partir de narrativas que reforçam a associação socialmente aceita do feminino com a esfera privada e do masculino com a esfera pública. Considerando que a política e a mídia são campos em constante interação, e que os fatos ocorridos em um terão repercussão no outro, entende-se a mídia como um ator central do jogo político contemporâneo. Em ambos os campos a participação das mulheres é assimétrica e diferenciada em relação aos homens. Deste modo, torna-se importante questionar como a mídia impressa contribui para a manutenção do cenário de baixa representação feminina na política institucional e quais narrativas são construídas sobre as mulheres que disputam importantes cargos eletivos. A abordagem dos 194 textos selecionados deu-se através do uso da técnica de análise de conteúdo e tendo como suporte a Teoria política feminista e seu debate em torno da díade esfera pública e esfera privada. A partir da análise empreendida conclui-se que em ambas as revistas investigadas a representação das candidatas Dilma e Marina foi diferenciada de seus concorrentes homens. O gênero foi um marcador importante na narrativa construída pela mídia impressa sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e 2014, em que as candidatas têm seus corpos, personalidade e vida pessoal e afetiva mais exploradas nos textos jornalísticos do que seus concorrentes homens. Também foi constatada a reprodução e reforço de estereótipos socialmente associados às mulheres, bem como uma desqualificação sistemática da figura de Dilma Rousseff e uma interseção entre classe e gênero na representação de Marina Silva. / This dissertation aims to analyse print media, focusing on the magazines Época and IstoÉ and their reporting of the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, from a gender perspective. The goal was to identify how the political figures of the candidates Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Marina Silva (PV and PSB) were constructed, in comparison to the candidates José Serra (PSDB) and Aécio Neves (PSDB) during the referred litigations. The hypothesis brought up is that these weekly publications promoted a distinct representation based on the gender of the presidency candidates, starting from the narratives that reinforce the socially accepted association of the feminine to the private sphere and the masculine to the public sphere. Considering that politics and the mass media are fields in constant interaction, that the events transpired in one will echo on the other, the mass media is understood to be a primal player in the contemporary political scenario. In both fields women’s participation is asymmetric and differentiated if compared to men. Thus, it’s relevant to question how the print media contributes to maintain the scenario of low feminine representation in institutional politics, as well as which narratives are constructed regarding women who compete for important elective positions. The approach of the 194 selected texts was made using the technique of content analysis, having as support the political feminist theory and it’s debate on the dyade public sphere/private sphere. Through the performed analysis it was made clear that in both magazines investigated the representation of the candidates Dilma and Marina was essentially different than that of their male competitors. Gender was a relevant topic in the narrative constructed by the print media regarding the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, in which the feminine candidates have their bodies, personality, as well as personal and affective lives more exploited in journalistic texts then their male competitors. It was also verified the reproduction and reinforcement of stereotypes socially associated to women, as well as a systematic disqualification of Dilma Rousseff’s figure and an intersection between class and gender in the representation of Marina Silva.

The thesis aims to discuss a theoretical framework of the U. S. congressional midterm elections and specify their fundamental funtions and importance. The thesis analyses the transformation of midterm elections as well as their effects on the political system with a special focus on the period 1990-2008. Following the analysis of particular midterm elections, it concludes that some of the theoretical premises need to be revised.

JAPPEL,
Ctibor.
Energy
Security
of
the
United
States
of
America.
Praha,
2012.
74
s.
 Diplomová
práce
(Mgr.),
Univerzita
Karlova,
Fakulta
sociálních
věd,
 Institut
mezinárodních
studií.
Katedra
amerických
studií.
 Vedoucí
diplomové
práce
PhDr.
et
Mgr.
Kryštof
Kozák,
Ph.
D.

 
 
 Abstract
 The
thesis
deals
with
the
energy
security
of
the
United
States
of
America
at
the
 beginning
 of
 the
 21st
 century.
 The
 first
 part
 of
 the
 thesis
 identifies
 energy
 security
as
a
relatively
new
concept
in
political
discourse,
whose
meaning
is
not
 yet
 firmly
 defined.
 The
 goal
 of
 this
 part
 is
 therefore
 to
 refine
 the
 definition
 of
energy
security
using
an
analysis
of
the
content
of
relevant
academic
sources.
 The
 second
 part
 of
 the
 thesis
 focuses
 specifically
 on
 the
 situation
 of
 the
 United
 States
 of
 America.
 It
 identifies
 the
 challenges
 to
 energy
 security
 the
 country
faces,
mainly
the
high
level
of
dependence
on
petroleum
products,
and
 provides
an
overview
of
available
solutions.
 The
 third
 part
 is
 a
 case
 study
 that
 deals
 with
 the
 presidential
 election
 campaign
of
2008.
This
campaign
took
place
during
a
period
of
extremely
high
 energy
prices,
and
the
energy
security
proposals
made
by
the
major
candidates
...