This study examines perceptions of threats and the actors in the Swedish Nato-debate. The particular sequence of debate which is investigated took place in Swedish media during the summer of 2015. The objects examined in this study are the actors involved in the debate and the perceptions of threats formed by these actors. Lack of knowledge regarding how debates are formed by actors, through their perceptions of threats, makes us unable to fully comprehend how and why these perceptions are formed. This lack of knowledge makes us unable to evaluate the debate beyond the claims of the participating actors. This study seeks to explain how perceptions of threats in the chosen debate-sequence were formed through filtration. Theory considering filtration of perceived threats states that the actors forming perceived threats does this through psychological-, bureaucratic-, political- and medial processes. Actors and their perceived threats can also exercise power. Whether the actors and their discourses have exercised power in the Swedish Nato-debate is examined through a relational- and productive power perspective. Results show that the participating actors examined, scientists, journalists and politicians, have all formed perceived threats through different forms of filtration, and all actors have in some way exercised relational or productive power in the debate.

The theme of this thesis regards power manifestations in sex trafficking in Greece, through the context of a particular women’s NGO situated in Athens, Greece. The stories that are analysed here are in one way or the other drawn from that NGO context, specifically: the story of the president of the NGO, the story of an activist in that NGO and the story of a woman who has been sex trafficked. What this thesis explores, under a poststructuralist road, influenced by a genealogical approach and inspired by Foucault’s notions of power, is how power can be productive in sex trafficking and the relevant anti-sex trafficking activism. Additionally, using intersectionality as an analytical tool, it explores which social markers are part of that productive play. Situated in crisis Greece, where several issues/problems are intensified, entangled, spread and spilled over in several areas, I find that there is relevance in research concerning how power, in the respective context, can work in productive ways. What is shown through the stories are several contradictions regarding conceptualizations of the role of the police, law, justice, and their relation with rights, religion, ethnicity, race, sex and gender. I treat these contradictions as key illustrators of the productive power play, visualized as a network that entangles different elements and draws its power through their relations. Productive power is seen through corrupt police officers; the accusation of the president of the NGO; through subjects of law, religion and debt; through gender performances; through prolific captivity and so on. What is shown is that the manifestations of power through these stories vary according to the context, but the productive element of power is their joint effect.

Uppsatsen analyserar EU:s allt mer komplexa gräns och gränsförvaltningar i en tid där migration och gränsen har blivit ett allt viktigare ämne inom politik och hos EU:s invånare. Uppsatsen syfte är att få en djupare förståelse för moderna gränser och gränspraktiker bortom den klassiska synen av territorialitet inom internationella relationer. Undersökningen är en diskursanalys av den europeiska gräns- och kustbevakningsbyrån Frontex årliga riskanalyser publicerade mellan 2014- 2018. En poststrukturalistisk analys inspirerad av ”Critical boarder studies” där Michel Foucaults förståelsen av makt och produktiv makt används. Undersökningen fokus är att synliggöra Frontex diskursiva makt och maktpraktiker relaterade till EU:s södra yttre gräns genom en applicering av Foucaults begrepp produktiv makt på Frontex diskursiva representation av EU:s södra yttre gräns. Undersökningen visar hur Frontex handlingar, sätt att analyser och granska gränsen och sin egen verksamhet tydligt fokuserar på den produktiva makten för att förändra beteenden, synsätt och möjligheter till att agera. / The thesis analyses EU’s evermore complex borders and border management in a time where migration and borders have become an increasingly important subject in politics and with EU´s citizens. The purpose of the thesis is to get a deeper understanding of the modern border and border-practises beyond the classic view of territoriality within international relations. The study is a discourse analysis of the European border and cost guard agency Frontex yearly risk analysis published between 2014- 2018. A post-structuralistic analysis inspired by ”Critical Border Studies” where Michel Foucaults understanding of power and productive power is used. The thesis focus is on exposing Frontex discursive power and power-practises related to EU’s southern outer border with the application of Foucaults concept of productive power on Frontex discursive representation of EU’s southern outer border. The study shows how Frontex actions, ways to analys and view the boarder, and there on operation clearly focuses on the productive power to change behaviour, outlook and the possibility to act.

O futuro das relações monetárias entre países é incerto. Enquanto a economia mundial há tempos tem contado com uma moeda internacional dominante, com o seu emissor desempenhando o papel de líder monetário internacional, existe uma série de fatores que coloca em cheque a continuação desse arranjo. Entre esses fatores estão a diminuição do papel dos Estados Unidos no crescimento econômico mundial, a crescente autonomia das políticas monetárias dos países emergentes e em desenvolvimento e a emergência de possíveis desafios ao dólar americano como a moeda chave de reserva internacional. A situação se apresenta por meio de um dilema quanto ao potencial futuro de um processo de cooperação monetária. Essencialmente, na ausência de um sistema hegemônico respaldado por um poder estrutural, como os países concordarão em ajustes mútuos adequados? Com essa questão em mente, esse estudo começa discutindo a cooperação monetária entre países e examina o papel do poder produtivo na coordenação de políticas. Por fim, o estudo procura testar as condições que permitem que os países designam responsabilidade por ajustes de política por meio da aplicação de tal poder. / The future of international monetary relations is uncertain. While the world economy has long relied on a dominant international currency, with its emitter playing the role of international monetary leader, there are several factors that place the continuance of this arrangement into doubt. Amongst these factors is the diminishing role of the U.S. economy in global output, the enhanced monetary policy autonomy of emerging market and developing economies, and the emergence of possible challengers to the U.S. dollar for the position of key international reserve currency. This situation presents us with a dilemma as to the future potential for monetary cooperation. Essentially, in the absence of a systemic hegemon, backed by structural power, how will countries come to agree on proper mutual adjustments? With this question in mind, this paper begins by discussing international monetary cooperation and examines the role of productive power in policy coordination. Finally, the paper looks to test for the conditions that allow for countries to assign responsibility for policy adjustments via the application of such power.

O futuro das relações monetárias entre países é incerto. Enquanto a economia mundial há tempos tem contado com uma moeda internacional dominante, com o seu emissor desempenhando o papel de líder monetário internacional, existe uma série de fatores que coloca em cheque a continuação desse arranjo. Entre esses fatores estão a diminuição do papel dos Estados Unidos no crescimento econômico mundial, a crescente autonomia das políticas monetárias dos países emergentes e em desenvolvimento e a emergência de possíveis desafios ao dólar americano como a moeda chave de reserva internacional. A situação se apresenta por meio de um dilema quanto ao potencial futuro de um processo de cooperação monetária. Essencialmente, na ausência de um sistema hegemônico respaldado por um poder estrutural, como os países concordarão em ajustes mútuos adequados? Com essa questão em mente, esse estudo começa discutindo a cooperação monetária entre países e examina o papel do poder produtivo na coordenação de políticas. Por fim, o estudo procura testar as condições que permitem que os países designam responsabilidade por ajustes de política por meio da aplicação de tal poder. / The future of international monetary relations is uncertain. While the world economy has long relied on a dominant international currency, with its emitter playing the role of international monetary leader, there are several factors that place the continuance of this arrangement into doubt. Amongst these factors is the diminishing role of the U.S. economy in global output, the enhanced monetary policy autonomy of emerging market and developing economies, and the emergence of possible challengers to the U.S. dollar for the position of key international reserve currency. This situation presents us with a dilemma as to the future potential for monetary cooperation. Essentially, in the absence of a systemic hegemon, backed by structural power, how will countries come to agree on proper mutual adjustments? With this question in mind, this paper begins by discussing international monetary cooperation and examines the role of productive power in policy coordination. Finally, the paper looks to test for the conditions that allow for countries to assign responsibility for policy adjustments via the application of such power.

Le pouvoir est omniprésent dans les interactions sociales. Il en va de même pour la politique internationale depuis la naissance des Relations internationales. Mais au sein de celle-ci, ce concept est contesté. Par exemple, le terme anglais power désigne deux phénomènes qui ne sont pas identiques et qui sont traduits par deux termes distingues en français : « la puissance » signifiant la capacité d’obtenir ce qu’on désire, et « le pouvoir » renvoyant au contrôle du comportement d’un acteur sur un autre. L’objectif de la thèse est double. Tout d’abord, cette recherche entend établir un lien étroit entre la façon de définir le pouvoir et les différents cadres théoriques (réalistes, libéraux, constructivistes) puisqu’il n’existe pas d’unique définition du concept. Ce premier aspect permettra de mieux comprendre la genèse mais aussi les tensions entre le concept et sa théorie-cadre lorsque le premier a tendance à circuler dans d’autres théories, comme ce dont témoigne les débats autour de la trilogie hard power, soft power, smart power de Joseph Nye. Le deuxième objectif vise à mieux comprendre le pouvoir des organisations intergouvernementales en adoptant un cadre constructiviste. La thèse s’appuie sur l’approche de Barnett et Duvall qui distingue quatre types de pouvoir (imposé, institutionnel, structurel et productif) en vue de saisir le pouvoir productif de la Francophonie dans la « fabrication » d’une nouvelle subjectivité de l’Etat : le « droit souverain » de promouvoir sa diversité culturelle et le « devoir souverain » concernant la responsabilité de protéger. La thèse montre également que le pouvoir institutionnel du Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies s’exerce via la socialisation du Vietnam en son sein dans le cas de la responsabilité de protéger. / The power is a ubiquitous phenomenon in social relations, particularly in International Relations. It is, however, an “essentially contestable” concept in IR theories. For instance, the English term power refers to two different phenomena which can be translated into two distinct terms in French: “la puissance” which means the capacity to get what one wants, and “le pouvoir” which implies the control over other’s behavior. This thesis has two objectives. First, it aims to build close connection between the power conceptualization and its theoretical framework (realism, liberalism, and constructivism) as there is no unique definition of power. The liaison between power definition and its theoretical framework allows us to better apprehend not only its genesis but also the discrepancy that emerges whenever the concept tend to transcend its theoretical framework, as reflected in the debates relative to the trilogy hard power, soft power, smart power of Joseph Nye. Second, this thesis intends to better understand the power of international organizations under the constructivist theoretical framework. The study bases on the power taxonomy of Barnett and Duvall who classify the concept into four types: compulsory power, institutional power, structural power and productive power. Based on this classification, we can understand the productive power of Francophonie in terms of “producing” a new subjectivity of State in IR: the “sovereign right” of promoting its cultural diversity and the “sovereign duty” of fulfilling its responsibility to protect. The thesis demonstrates also the UNSC’s institutional power via the Vietnam socialization process leading to the endorsement of the R2P concept.