Esta dissertação investiga tendências pronominais encontradas na obra O Tronco do Ipê (1871), de José de Alencar, situando o romance no contexto literário em que se insere o autor o Romantismo. Também utilizamos o romance Sonhos dOuro (1872) em situações em que foram necessários contrapontos. O primeiro elemento pronominal analisado foi a frequência e a deriva gramatical da construção a gente, típica da variedade americana da língua portuguesa e etapa final do processo da gramaticalização, que a tornou equivalente a nós. Quanto ao a gente, nossa finalidade foi averiguar em que medida esse recurso da língua coloquial foi incorporado pelo ilustre prosador brasileiro. O segundo elemento analisado foi a colocação pronominal, largamente mencionada tanto por críticos contemporâneos ao autor cearense quanto por aqueles estudiosos do legado alencariano e romântico para a expressão linguística na literatura. Para a colocação pronominal, levantamos dados diversos que possam confirmar ou questionar os estudos já existentes. Por fim, estudamos ainda o significado do aparecimento/ausência do pronome reto como acusativo ou como acusativo-sujeito na língua literária de Alencar. Esta pesquisa pretende ser uma contribuição a um capítulo da história do português escrito no Brasil / This dissertation investigates pronominal trends found in the novel O Tronco do Ipê (1871), by José de Alencar, situating it in the literary context in which the author was The Romanticism. It has also been used the novel Sonhos dOuro (1872) (to counterpoint in specific situations). The first pronominal element analysis was the frequency and grammatical construction from a gente, the typical American variety of Portuguese and final step of the process of grammaticalization, which became equivalent to nós. Our purpose was to examine to what extent this feature of colloquial language was incorporated by the renowned Brazilian prosaist. The second element analyzed was pronoun placement, widely mentioned not only by contemporary critics, but also by studious of the Alencarian and romantic legacy of this linguistic expression in literature. For pronoun placement, we have raised several data that can confirm or question the existing studies. Finally, we have studied the significance of the appearance/absence of the pronoun as accusative or as accusative-subject in Alencars literary language. This research is a contribution to a chapter in the history of written Portuguese in Brazil

La thèse porte sur l’emploi des pronoms personnels anaphoriques sujets dans le récit faisant suite à des séquences dialoguées. Elle est fondée sur un corpus de 370 extraits de romans français du XIXème siècle qui ont été systématiquement annotés. Le point de vue général adopté est tiré des travaux linguistiques et psycholinguistiques sur la référence et l’anaphore, il prévoit que l’assignation du référent au pronom se fait par l’intermédiaire de la représentation mentale construite par les lecteurs au cours du traitement du discours. Dans les extraits étudiés, les expressions référentielles renvoyant à des personnages ont été systématiquement annotés, en particulier les pronoms de troisième personne et les pronoms de dialogue, ainsi que les formes vides dans les phrases attributives de discours rapporté quand celles-ci sont ellipsées. La forme et la fonction des expressions référentielles est prise en compte de même que l’enchaînement des répliques. Les référents sont annotés par des traits contextuels indépendants les caractérisant : +/– centre anticipateur dans la narration avant le dialogue, +/– sujet dans le discours cité et +/– locuteur de la dernière réplique, plus d’autres traits comme la différence de genre. Quatre grandes configurations sont distinguées et, à la suite, nous proposons une typologie des transitions en fonction de la (dis)continuité entre la narration, le discours citant et le discours cité. Les données tirées du corpus montrent que, parmi les traits pris en compte, ce sont les mentions du référent du pronom à la suite de la séquence dialoguée dans la narration avant le dialogue et la différence de genre entre les participants du dialogue qui influent le plus sur les transitions, ainsi que le statut du référent en tant que locuteur de la dernière réplique, plutôt que le fait qu’il soit sujet de la dernière proposition du discours cité. / This thesis explores the use of anaphoric personal pronoun in the narration following dialogue in literary text. The study is based on a nearly four hundred dialogue passages borrowed from XIXth century French novels. We have adopted the point of view that pronoun resolution is guided by the mental representation being constructed during discourse processing. All the expressions referring to characters, as well as implicit speakers in the absence of a reporting clause have been annotated in the passages. Besides the linguistic properties of referents, our study also considers dialogue’s alternating structure. After studying separately several features caracterizing a referent, such as +/– gender difference, +/– mentions in the narration before the dialogue, +/– being subject in the dialogue and +/– being speaker of the last quote, their combinations in chains were presented. Based on four different types of chains, a typology of transitions by referential (dis)continuity between narration, reporting clause and direct speech has been proposed. Of the studied features, the transitions are most influenced by the mentions of a referent in the narration before the dialogue and by different gender of discourse participants, but also by the referent being the speaker of the last line of the dialogue, while the fact of being the subject in the direct speech has less importance.

Esta dissertação investiga tendências pronominais encontradas na obra O Tronco do Ipê (1871), de José de Alencar, situando o romance no contexto literário em que se insere o autor o Romantismo. Também utilizamos o romance Sonhos dOuro (1872) em situações em que foram necessários contrapontos. O primeiro elemento pronominal analisado foi a frequência e a deriva gramatical da construção a gente, típica da variedade americana da língua portuguesa e etapa final do processo da gramaticalização, que a tornou equivalente a nós. Quanto ao a gente, nossa finalidade foi averiguar em que medida esse recurso da língua coloquial foi incorporado pelo ilustre prosador brasileiro. O segundo elemento analisado foi a colocação pronominal, largamente mencionada tanto por críticos contemporâneos ao autor cearense quanto por aqueles estudiosos do legado alencariano e romântico para a expressão linguística na literatura. Para a colocação pronominal, levantamos dados diversos que possam confirmar ou questionar os estudos já existentes. Por fim, estudamos ainda o significado do aparecimento/ausência do pronome reto como acusativo ou como acusativo-sujeito na língua literária de Alencar. Esta pesquisa pretende ser uma contribuição a um capítulo da história do português escrito no Brasil / This dissertation investigates pronominal trends found in the novel O Tronco do Ipê (1871), by José de Alencar, situating it in the literary context in which the author was The Romanticism. It has also been used the novel Sonhos dOuro (1872) (to counterpoint in specific situations). The first pronominal element analysis was the frequency and grammatical construction from a gente, the typical American variety of Portuguese and final step of the process of grammaticalization, which became equivalent to nós. Our purpose was to examine to what extent this feature of colloquial language was incorporated by the renowned Brazilian prosaist. The second element analyzed was pronoun placement, widely mentioned not only by contemporary critics, but also by studious of the Alencarian and romantic legacy of this linguistic expression in literature. For pronoun placement, we have raised several data that can confirm or question the existing studies. Finally, we have studied the significance of the appearance/absence of the pronoun as accusative or as accusative-subject in Alencars literary language. This research is a contribution to a chapter in the history of written Portuguese in Brazil

This thesis investigates the first language acquisition (L1A) of pronominal object clitics in Cypriot Greek (CG) by typically developing (TD) children, focusing on an exceptional form of non–adult–like clitic placement attested in early data. The aim of the present study is twofold. On the one hand, it aims to sketch the developmental stages in the course of L1A of CG in relation to other clitic languages. On the other, it investigates whether and to what extent syntactic (Agouraki 2001, Terzi 1999a, 1999b), prosodic (Condoravdi and Kiparsky 2001) and interface approaches (Mavrogiorgos 2012, Revithiadou 2006) can account for early clitic production. Research on L1A of clitic pronouns has demonstrated both clitic realisation and omission in child languages. However, no instances of clitic misplacement have been reported for early European languages, with the interesting exceptions of CG (Petinou & Terzi 2002) and European Portuguese (Lobo & Costa 2012). The present thesis examines the L1A of CG in the age range 2−4 on the basis of spontaneous and experimental data, cross−sectional as well as longitudinal, with a focus on clitic placement. Spontaneous speech data were collected from 8 children, and one of the children was also followed longitudinally for a period of 6 months. An elicited production task performed by 50 children was used to generate 3rd person singular accusative object clitics. The results of the study indicate that, for CG: (i) clitic placement in enclisis environments is adult–like from the onset in structures involving single clitics and clitic clusters, as well as in Clitic Doubling and Clitic Left Dislocation; (ii) clitic misplacement is attested in proclisis contexts in a subset of children aged 2;6 to 3;0; (iii) clitic misplacement does not correlate with early non–finite forms; (iv) occasional realisation of two copies of the clitic is attested in some children aged 2;6 to 3;0; (v) by age 3;6, TD children manifest adult–like clitic placement. These findings raise issues regarding the acquisition of clitics in different classes of languages (Tobler–Mussafia, finiteness–sensitive languages, languages exhibiting second position restrictions), as well as the role of syntax, prosody and the syntax–phonology interface in clitic L1A. The current study suggests that only Tobler–Mussafia languages display clitic misplacement, as attested in the L1A of CG. Clitic misplacement in CG is interpreted within an interface account in line with Revithiadou (2006) and, following the spirit of Bošković (2000), it is assumed that the placement requirement imposed on CG clitics “can be captured in its entirety through a filtering effect of the phonology on the syntax” (2000:105). Clitic placement in CG is an interface phenomenon: the syntax provides two copies of clitic pronouns (Franks 1998) and the syntactic outcome is filtered through a phonology–controlled procedure.

The dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic aspects of the indefinite pronoun system in Modern Hebrew and consists of an experimental part and a theoretical part. The experimental part presents the grammaticality judgment task conducted to test three theoretical questions: (1) the relation between negation and the licensing of AF `any' and KOL `any'; (2) the contrast between EYZE `some' and EYZESEHU `some' in terms of specificity; and (3) the correlation between syntactic position and free choice readings. Three main theoretical findings are contributed by this work. First, it is shown that from a typological viewpoint, Hebrew, a Semitic language, patterns with Romance and Germanic languages, rather than Japanese-type languages, in having indefinite pronouns specialized for particular operators available in the discourse. Second, the thesis proposes a novel unified syntax-semantics for KOL which accounts for its interpretational variability. Working with the Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002) framework where indefinite pronouns generate sets of individual alternatives, the semantics of a KOL--modified noun phrase is formalized as a variable and containing a restriction. When this restriction ranges over kinds, KOL receives a generic reading; when the restriction is over a contextually specified set of entities, KOL has an episodic reading. In these cases, the KOL--phrase moves to the argument position of a universal quantifier which binds the individual alternatives generated by the KOL--phrase. If KOL stays in situ, the individual alternatives are allowed to expand into propositional alternatives, resulting in the free choice reading. Third, I discuss the DP-internal structure of [eyze(N)se-hu (N)] and [(N) kol(N)se-hu], treating 'se-hu' as a CP. I propose that there is a correlation between the postnominal position and the free choice readings of these pronouns, suggesting that domain restrictions, usually derived in the semantics-pragmatics, may also be encoded in the syntax. If this hypothesis is on the right track, it could provide us with a better understanding of how and when in the process of language acquisition domain restrictions found with indefinite pronouns are acquired.

Orientador: Edson Françozo / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T10:24:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Godoy_MahayanaCristina_D.pdf: 4933990 bytes, checksum: c592273bb1019af254798b4a660fb45a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Tradicionalmente, o estudo do processamento das expressões pronominais sempre partiu do pressuposto de que o processador, ao ser confrontado com um pronome, inicia uma busca imediata por um antecedente. Esse ponto de vista guiou boa parte dos vários estudos sobre pronomes singulares (e.g., Arnold et al., 2000; Sturt, 2003) e, também, os poucos estudos feitos sobre o processamento de pronomes plurais (e.g., Oakhill et al., 1992). Nesse trabalho, apresentamos casos de pronomes plurais não-anafóricos que desafiam essa visão incremental, como em "Alice gostava de comer carne, e eles faziam uma picanha suculenta na churrascaria do Leblon". Nesse caso, só é possível alcançar a referência do pronome plural ao final da sentença, quando se chega à expressão "churrascaria do Leblon". Esses casos nos levam a questionar (i) se pronomes plurais, assim como os singulares, se ligam imediatamente a um antecedente provido pelo contexto; (ii) se o processamento de pronomes plurais depende de um antecedente explícito ou inferível no contexto para que possa ocorrer sem custos cognitivos adicionais. Em um primeiro experimento de leitura feito por meio de rastreamento ocular, testamos com que rapidez pronomes plurais e singulares constroem uma relação correferencial com um antecedente explícito no contexto anterior. Os resultados indicam que pronomes singulares estabelecem uma relação imediata de correferência, e a revogação essa relação implica custo cognitivo comparativamente a contextos em que a correferência é mantida. Pronomes plurais, por outro lado, parecem não se ligar de imediato com seu suposto antecedente, o que faz com que situações de revogação de correferência não resultem em um custo adicional de processamento. Em um segundo experimento, testamos quão necessários são esses antecedentes para que pronomes plurais e singulares sejam lidos sem custo adicional. Pronomes singulares que não tinham um antecedente explícito no contexto anterior levaram a um maior tempo de leitura do que pronomes singulares que mantinham relação de correferência com um antecedente. Por outro lado, pronomes plurais sem antecedente não foram cognitivamente mais custosos em comparação a pronomes plurais que contavam com um antecedente explícito no contexto. Levando em conta os processos de resolução pronominal, concluímos que nossos resultados não corroboram o pressuposto de que pronomes plurais e singulares sigam a mesma estratégia de resolução. Como pronomes plurais tendem a depender de informações apresentadas posteriormente no texto, sua resolução pode ser adiada sem acarretar custo processual. Além disso, como nossos dados sugerem que pronomes plurais podem permanecer sem resolução por um período de tempo, os resultados descritos parecem indicar que o processamento linguístico pode se pautar por representações superficiais do input linguístico em algumas situações específicas / Abstract: The study of pronoun resolution has traditionally relied on the presupposition that the parser starts searching for an antecedent as soon as it is confronted with a pronoun. This view has guided most of the large amount of work on the processing of singular pronouns (e.g. Arnold et al., 2000; Sturt, 2003) as well as the scarce work that has been done on the resolution of plural pronouns (e.g., Oakhill et al., 1992). Here, we study some occurrences of plural pronouns that seem to defy such an incremental view, as in "Alice used to eat beef everyday, and they usually prepared a delicious New York strip at the steakhouse". In this text, a referent for the plural pronoun "they" is inferred through the locative "at the steakhouse", but it is not until the end of the sentence that the reader has this information. These observations raise the questions of (i) whether plural pronouns create an immediate co-referential relation with a possible antecedent and (ii) whether processing plural pronouns really requires an antecedent by the time these expressions are read. In an eye-tracker experiment, we tested how quickly singular and plural pronouns build a co-referential link with a referent that was explicit in a previous sentence. Our results show that singular pronouns are immediately read as co-referential to their antecedent, and canceling this co-reference evokes a greater cost in comparison to situations in which the co-reference is kept through the whole sentence. On the other hand, plural pronouns does not seem to create such an immediate relation with its supposed antecedent, and canceling the co-reference does not result in extra processing cost. In a self-paced reading task, we tested how crucial it was for the processing of plural and singular pronouns that these expressions had an antecedent. Singular pronouns with no antecedent showed greater reading times in comparison to pronouns that had an antecedent. Reading times for plural pronouns were the same regardless of the presence of an antecedent. From the perspective of pronoun processing, we can conclude that the results described above do not fit the presupposition that singular and plural pronoun processing follow the same resolution strategy. Because plural pronouns may depend on information presented later in the discourse, its resolution may be delayed without causing extra processing cost. Furthermore, because our data suggest that plural pronouns may continue unresolved, these results may also be interpreted as evidence that language processing, in specific situations, may rely on superficial representations of discourse structure / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutora em Linguística

<p>This study addressed the use and perception of Japanese self-reference terms for Japanese native speakers and second language (L2) learners of Japanese. Participants completed a Discourse Completion Task (DCT) and a Felicity Judgment Task (FJT) for quantitative analysis. Individual follow-up interviews were also conducted, which provided additional insight into native speakers’ and learners’ understandings of the uses of self-reference terms in Japanese. The results indicated that overall Japanese native speakers employed different self-reference terms depending on gender (of the speaker and listener), power differences, and situational formality. While some of the findings related to Japanese native speakers’ use and perception of self-reference terms align with previous studies, such as the use of the self-reference term <i>watashi</i> when speaking with higher power listeners (e.g., Ide, 1990b), there were new findings regarding the usage of other self-reference terms including <i>ore</i>, <i>jibun</i>, and <i>uchi</i>.</p><p> </p><p><br></p><p>This study also investigated the effect of a pedagogical intervention for L2 learners focused on Japanese self-reference terms. In addition to the DCT and FJT (as pre, post, and delayed post-test) and individual follow-up interviews, L2 learners also participated in a myriad of other classroom intervention activities within a learners-as-researchers framework (e.g., Tanaka, 1997; Ishihara, 2006) about Japanese self-reference terms (e.g., blog entries, interviews with Japanese native speakers). The L2 DCT and FJT results indicated that before the pedagogical intervention, L2 learners relied heavily on <i>watashi </i>while neglecting other self-reference options compared to Japanese native speakers. After the intervention, L2 learners were able to employ a broader range of self-reference terms (e.g., <i>ore</i>, <i>boku, atashi</i>). This indicates that the intervention helped facilitate L2 learners’ pragmatic competence with self-reference terms. The analysis of L2 usage of self-reference terms in blog entries and individual interviews with learners indicated that some learners employed different self-reference terms without resistance, while others displayed a stronger resistance to using new self-reference terms. Some learners overcame this resistance over the course of the semester, while others stayed with <i>watashi</i> until the end of the semester. Collectively, the results indicate development in pragmatic competence and also various developmental trajectories for different learners.</p><p><br></p>

There are four major patterns of the plural forms of personal pronouns in Modern Chinese, which are: Same Wording, Suffixation (Multisyllabic and Monosyllabic Suffixations), Sound Combination (Coda Suffix and New Wording), and Tonal Changes. Same Wording was the original plural pattern since the singular form was also used as plural form in Old Chinese. Suffixation was already appeared in Middle Chinese. Author suspects that Suffixation was a concept inspired by non-Han languages such as the Buddhist Sanskrit. Each Chinese dialect chose a way to represent this concept based on its dialectal characteristic, thus there are many dialects in China. For example, the [men] suffix in many northern dialects are phonologically and semantically related to the Tang dynasty suffixes, while the m- initial might has been originated in Tang dynasty dialects, the -n ending might be a result of Altaic language influences. Northern dialects have a simpler pattern due to the influence of Altaic languages, in comparison, the plural pattern of southern dialects are more complex due to the contact with Miao, Yao, Zhuang languages.

O objetivo desta dissertação é discutir casos em que a forma ele do português brasileiro (PB) pode aparecer localmente ligada. Dois experimentos foram conduzidos: no Experimento I, falantes nativos adultos de PB e crianças adquirindo essa língua recusaram a leitura localmente ligada do ele quando este era objeto direto de um verbo. No Experimento II, por outro lado, adultos e crianças aceitaram a ligação local do ele quando a forma era complemento de uma preposição. Observou-se também uma associação entre a aceitabilidade da ligação local do ele dentro de PPs e a natureza semântica do predicado: diante predicados de reflexividade improvável, adultos e crianças permitiram a ligação local do ele significativamente mais em predicados de reflexividade provável do que improvável. Baseando-me em Hornstein (2001), assumo que o pronome ele ligado é um elemento que é inserido como último recurso nos contextos preposicionais, dada a impossibilidade de movimento para fora de PPs no PB. / This dissertation aims to discuss cases in which the form ele in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) can be locally bound. Two experiments were conducted: in the first one, adult speakers of BP and children acquiring this language refused the locally bound reading of ele when it was the direct object of a verb. On the other hand, in the second experiment, adults and children allowed the locally bound reading of ele when it was inside a PP. We noted an association between the acceptability of the bound reading of ele and the semantic nature of the predicate: the children and adults tested allowed local binding of ele significantly more often with probable reflexive verbs, than with improbable ones. Following Hornstein (2001), I assume that the bound pronoun ele is an elsewhere element that is inserted in prepositional contexts, due to the absence of preposition stranding in BP.

O objetivo desta dissertação é discutir casos em que a forma ele do português brasileiro (PB) pode aparecer localmente ligada. Dois experimentos foram conduzidos: no Experimento I, falantes nativos adultos de PB e crianças adquirindo essa língua recusaram a leitura localmente ligada do ele quando este era objeto direto de um verbo. No Experimento II, por outro lado, adultos e crianças aceitaram a ligação local do ele quando a forma era complemento de uma preposição. Observou-se também uma associação entre a aceitabilidade da ligação local do ele dentro de PPs e a natureza semântica do predicado: diante predicados de reflexividade improvável, adultos e crianças permitiram a ligação local do ele significativamente mais em predicados de reflexividade provável do que improvável. Baseando-me em Hornstein (2001), assumo que o pronome ele ligado é um elemento que é inserido como último recurso nos contextos preposicionais, dada a impossibilidade de movimento para fora de PPs no PB. / This dissertation aims to discuss cases in which the form ele in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) can be locally bound. Two experiments were conducted: in the first one, adult speakers of BP and children acquiring this language refused the locally bound reading of ele when it was the direct object of a verb. On the other hand, in the second experiment, adults and children allowed the locally bound reading of ele when it was inside a PP. We noted an association between the acceptability of the bound reading of ele and the semantic nature of the predicate: the children and adults tested allowed local binding of ele significantly more often with probable reflexive verbs, than with improbable ones. Following Hornstein (2001), I assume that the bound pronoun ele is an elsewhere element that is inserted in prepositional contexts, due to the absence of preposition stranding in BP.