This thesis presents a critical discourse analysis of Houston Stewart Chamberlain’s German nationalist war propaganda essays written between 1914 and 1917. Focussing on Chamberlain’s discursive strategies of manipulation, the analysis explores how he uses language to suggest to his readers that they have freedom of thought while actually reducing or eradicating their critical disagreement space. As language is the sole vehicle for the manipulative dissemination of ideology in written discourse, this research makes a contribution to understanding the workings of propaganda as ideology-driven mass manipulation by exposing the linguistic mechanisms therein. The thesis also contributes to broader Chamberlain scholarship and, specifically, to as yet scant scholarship on Chamberlain as a nationalist propagandist rather than as a race theorist. After analysing the topical content of the war essays and contextualising the results against the local and global context of Chamberlain’s Germany, an extensive text analysis is provided. The text analysis follows a targeted multi-methodological approach combining methods of critical discourse analysis with pragma-dialectics and corpus-assisted discourse studies. This incorporates a corpus-assisted analysis of keywords and concordances, and a qualitative close-reading analysis addressing discourse strategies of legitimisation and delegitimisation, coercion and dissimulation. The major finding produced by this research is that Chamberlain’s war essays are just as much legitimisations of the author and his essays as they are of the essays’ topical ideological propositions. They are characterised by strategies of ‘othering’ on two levels: the topical ideological ‘othering’ of Germany’s war enemies in relation to the German ‘self’ and, on the meta-level, of the ‘othering’ of the readers in relation to the authorial ‘self’. Using an elaborate metaphor scenario, he delegitimises the reader by undermining the epistemic certainty of their environment, and correspondingly legitimises himself as the source of ‘enlightenment’. Using strategies of abstractive legitimisation and delegitimisation, he makes the war a human-centric matter, the resolution of war reader-dependent, and the solution to the war author-dependent, ultimately making Chamberlain’s justification of the ideological message dependent on the justification of his authorial means.

Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-30T00:14:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2016-12-16 / Violence is one of the factors that constitutes the second cause of death in the framework of general Brazilian mortality. Children and adolescents deserve special attention in relation to the guarantee of their daily rights violated. The media have a fundamental role in criticizing the reports of violence that they convey, and can improve the writing of the stories and the transmission of information in the face of violence. This study aims to analyze the subjects in a media observatory about the violence involving Brazilian adolescents from 2006 to 2016. It is a study with quantitative and qualitative approach of documentary character, in a media observatory of ample Access in Brazil, which elaborates subjects involving adolescents and uses the genre of media criticism. The period analyzed was between January 2006 and November 2016. A questionnaire instrumentalized the collection of data, organized in the Excel program, and later analyzed. The results showed that of the 48 published articles, 64.6% were published as an Opinion Article (64.6%), violence was related to crime in 27.0% of the subjects, most of them (93.8%) Made clear the nature of violence committed with emphasis on physical violence (50.1%). Human Rights was the most debated issue by media critics (27.3%). Critics are journalists (56.2%) and the term "adolescent" (38.2%) is the most commonly used. The data refer to the critical issue on cases of violence against adolescents, with emphasis on crime and human rights violations. It is concluded that media criticism is an important tool for a more qualified discussion that allows the dispute of public opinion towards the strengthening of democracy and the construction and exercise of citizenship. / A violência é um dos fatores que constitui a segunda causa de óbitos no quadro da mortalidade geral brasileira. As crianças e adolescentes merecem atenção, em especial, em relação à garantia dos seus direitos, diariamente violados. A mídia tem papel fundamental na crítica dos relatos de violência por ela veiculados, podendo melhorar a redação das matérias, e a transmissão de informações no enfrentamento da violência. Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar as matérias em um observatório de mídia acerca a violência que envolve os adolescentes brasileiros no período de 2006 a 2016. Trata-se de um estudo com abordagem quantitativa e qualitativa de caráter documental, em um observatório de mídia de amplo acesso no Brasil, que elabora matérias envolvendo adolescentes e utiliza o gênero de crítica de mídia. A período analisado foi o compreendido entre janeiro de 2006 e novembro de 2016. Um questionário instrumentalizou a coleta de dados, organizados no programa Excel, e posteriormente analisados. Os resultados mostraram que das 48 matérias publicadas, 64,6% foram publicadas como Artigo de Opinião (64,6%), a temática da violência foi relacionada à criminalidade em 27,0% das matérias que em sua maioria (93,8%) deixaram claro a natureza da violência cometida com realce para a violência física (50,1%). Direitos Humanos foi o tema mais debatido pela crítica de mídia (27,3%). Os autores da crítica são os jornalistas (56,2%) sendo o termo ¿adolescente¿ (38,2%) o mais comumente utilizado. Os dados remetem que a matéria crítica sobre casos de violência contra adolescentes, dando ênfase à criminalidade e a violação dos direitos humanos. Conclui-se que a crítica de mídia é uma importante ferramenta para uma discussão mais qualificada que possibilite a disputa da opinião pública na direção do fortalecimento da democracia e da construção e exercício da cidadania.

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Na Europa, a primeira metade do século XX foi marcada pela ascensão de regnnes autoritários que utilizaram o cinema como arma de propaganda para o exercício e consolidação do poder político. Com efuito, o cinema veiculava imagens, símbolos, mitos, com uma furça e amplitude que nenhum outro meio de comunicação possuía. Em Portuga~ as décadas de 1930 e 1940 representam uma das etapas mais significativas, quer pela introdução/afIrmação tecnológica do cinema sonoro, quer pela acção do Secretariado da Propaganda NacionaVSecretariado Nacional de Informação, aparelho propagandístico do Estado Novo. Dentre a multitude de meios de que este organismo se serviu para a difusão da mensagem política do regime, o cinema desperta em particular a atenção do seu director, António Ferro, como meio privilegiado de comunicação com as massas. Desta forma, esta dissertação procura averiguar o papel desempenhado por António Ferro no panorama cinematográfico nacionaL Pretende-se determinar a natureza e orientação do seu pensamento cinematográfico, isto é, os seus pressupostos éticos e estéticos, por um lado e, por outro, a sua acção política sobre o cinema português, enquanto director do SPN/SNI, sob a tutela de Oliveira Salazar.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 236-249).

Augustus was a master of propaganda who employed Ancient and Hellenized Egypt as a means to legitimize his newly acquired power in Rome after the Battle of Actium. This thesis examines the ways in which Augustus moulded the people, imagery and religion of Egypt to suit his political needs. This was accomplished through an examination of the modified imagery of major Egyptian political figures such as Julius Caesar, Mark Antony, and Cleopatra VII. The symbolism of their images was altered to enhance Augustus’ standing in Rome. Augustus’ inspirations were also considered, namely Alexander the Great who became a significant influence for Augustus as was evident through the various similarities in their seal rings, family history, and the nature of both their roles as ‘restorers’ and ‘saviours’. The most predominant source for evidence of Augustus’ use of Egypt was found in his transportation of monumental obelisks from Egypt into the Circus Maximus and the Campus Martius. These monuments served to beautify the city while justifying Augustus’ authority in Rome. A close second to the transportation of the monumental architecture of Egypt was Augustus’ representation of the Battle of Actium upon his coinage. The battle was depicted typically with a tethered crocodile, stalks of wheat, a lituus, and a bareheaded Augustus. These actions augmented the prestige of Rome and presented Augustus as a powerful and reliable leader. In terms of religion, Augustus welcomed the practice of Egyptian cults while protecting the physical presence of Rome’s traditional religious core, the pomerium. This appealed to worshippers of both traditional and foreign cults and further enhanced his favour in Rome. Ultimately, Augustus’ actions served to increase his own prestige and credibility. This allowed Augustus to legitimize the authority of his rule and to initiate the beginnings of a stable Roman empire that would endure through Tiberius’ reign and those to follow.

Zugl.: Halle (Saale), Univ., Diss.

In the 1970s, Taiwan, officially known as the Republic of China (ROC),suffered a series of diplomatic setbacks. Nixon’s visit to Beijing in 1972 preluded the normalization between the United States (US) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), as well as the estrangement between the Republic of China (ROC)and the US. A year before, Taiwan was forced to withdraw from the United Nations (UN). Many countries then ceased to cooperate with Taiwan and turned to the PRC. This made Taiwan the “Orphan of Asia”. To survive and prevent further isolation, Taiwan rallied support from the international community, especially the US, its old ally. It strengthened propaganda in the US and attempted to build a prosperous and democratic image of itself. It sought to appeal to the American public. This thesis investigates Taiwan’s propaganda activities in the US and explores how the Kuomintang (KMT) government built a favorable image of Taiwan during the 1970s. The most notable propaganda organization of the ROC was the Government Information Office (GIO). The GIO’s overseas branch in New York, the Chinese Information Service, launched propaganda campaigns in the US through organizing political, economic and cultural activities. Although the GIO was centrally responsible for propaganda, the execution of the campaigns was a product of collaboration between various government organizations. This thesis analyzes the GIO’s responsibilities within this network of collaboration. The thesis then explores the variety of Taiwan’s propaganda strategies. The KMT tried very hard to solicit support from different sectors in the US. They appealed to the general public by launching advertising campaigns, cultural exhibitions and art performances. Apart from the general public, they also targeted reporters, members of Congress and scholars by offering material benefits including free trips to Taiwan and academic funding. Several public relation firms were also hired to publicize Taiwan in the US media. Some of these publicity campaigns were even illegal. The overseas Chinese formed a large constituent to the Taiwan government’s propaganda efforts. However, the overseas Chinese were not a singular group of people and recognizing this, the GIO tailored their campaigns accordingly. Taiwan wooed Chinatown leaders by giving them financial benefits and educated Chinatown residents through controlling the Chinese media and Chinese language schools. Meanwhile, the KMT threatened and punished Taiwan Independence Movement supporters in American universities. They also made attempts to re-educate these supporters and their families in and out of Taiwan. Through these activities, Taiwan hoped to create an illusion that the KMT supporters were not limited to people in Taiwan, but included the majority of Chinese around the world. By examining Taiwan’s propaganda organizations and strategies in the 1970s, the thesis aims to expand our knowledge of US-PRC-ROC relations in the 1970s, and show how Taiwan adapted to the changing international environment. / published_or_final_version / History / Master / Master of Philosophy

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The emulation of Hollywood by German films studios in the 1930s caused significant problems from an ideological perspective. “Germanized” Hollywood productions incorporated the exciting elements that made American films so popular in the Third Reich in an effort to displace them. However, a glorification of consumer capitalism and political individualism accompanied Californian style assembly-line filmmaking, even in Nazi Germany. In particular, Hollywood style stardom, western films and remakes introduced potentially dissonant ideas and messages into Germany’s public sphere. These films broke the rules and depicted worlds that subtly questioned Nazi ideology in their depiction of non-Nazi modes of identity. “Germanized” Hollywood deviated from Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels’s attempts to reconstruct the cinema as a location of indoctrination. The presence of American social values in German films resulted in a mixed articulation of “Germanness” in the regime’s preferred medium of propagandistic persuasion.