"To Be and Build the Glorious World" examines the educational thought and practice of Watson Thomson, the most passionate and controversial of the activist educators who worked in Canada from the mid-1930s to the mid-1940s. Using a contextual biographical methodology, the evolution of Thomson's motivational structure and world-view is examined. The opening chapters identify the educative forces that shaped Thomson's transformative-communitarian educational philosophy. Subsequent chapters analyze the interplay of Thomson's transformative- communitarian vision with the Canadian context—Alberta, Manitoba and Saskatchewan. A critical examination of Thomson's educational thought and practice shows that he adopted a consistent modus operandi. For Thomson, study-groups were to be spearheads of social change. Guided by the vision of a new, fully co-operative society, these groups would gradually initiate a social and intellectual revolution. Thomson's spearhead theory, put into practice in many contexts, was most successful in Saskatchewan. There he found support in a left populist culture. Thomson's accomplishments as an adult educator were many. First, he had a significant impact on many individual lives, helping people to see life as an indivisible whole. Second, Thomson participated in, and initiated, a remarkable range of educational ventures, some successful, others not. Thomson's educational thought and practice raises important questions on the relationship between nonformal education, social movements and policy outcomes. Indeed, a close study of Watson Thomson's career reveals the existence of a gentle, but persistent movement towards cultural revitalization in Western Canada in the 1930s and 1940s. Further, it suggests the presence of some unexpected avant-garde themes in the life of the Canadian left. This thesis, then, "explains" Watson Thomson's educational thought and practice contextually. In so doing, it also offers an explanation of the previously undocumented histories of adult education in three prairie provinces. / Education, Faculty of / Curriculum and Pedagogy (EDCP), Department of / Graduate

The 1870 Resistance at Red River and the Saskatchewan Rebellion of 1885 form an important chapter in the history of the Canadian West and are considered pivotal episodes in the development of the region. Despite the presence and participation of the white settlers in certain aspects of these protest movements, especially in the latter, studies have tended to characterize these events primarily as the result of the actions of Louis Riel and the Metis, relegating the role of the whites to a subordinate position in their analyses. This trend has had important consequences for the interpretion of Western Canadian history. As the idea of Western discontent and distinctive regionalism is fundamental in understanding the history of the region, the focus on the Metis role in protests against the Canadian Government has led to the conclusion that Western discontent grew out of the Metis experience and that it was Western, that is, environmental, in origin. However, as Western society and culture were shaped to an astonishing degree by the Ontario immigrants of the 1870's and 1880's, any analysis of the roots of Western discontent must also take into account the white settlers' role in the protest movements of the time. This is especially true for the Rebellion of 1885 as large numbers of Ontario settlers were both present in the West and active in agitation against the government prior to the Rebellion. By placing the general characteristics of the Western white settlers' protest and agitation during the 1870's and 1880's in the context of protests and rebellions elsewhere in North America,, it becomes clear that the settlers' discontent was not the product of the Western identity they shared with the Metis, but rather grew out of the cultural heritage they had brought from Ontario. Although the frontier environment of the West provided reasons for their discontent, it was as "British subjects," not as Westerners, that the settlers protested against the Ottawa government and the "East." In fact, in the same way that the settlers' Ontario culture became that of the West, their protest tradition, derived from their British heritage, determined the characteristics and persistence of Western discontent. Far from imposing their protest tradition on the white settlers, the Metis revealed, by their use of petitions and their appeals to the "rights of British subjects," that it was they who adapted to the form of protest brought to the West by the Ontario immigrants. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

De Gaulle et le peuple français : une relation nouvelle se noue, se renoue, lorsque, le 29 mai 1958, la vie politique française bascule. Ce jour-là, devant l’incapacité de la classe politique à trouver une solution au conflit ensanglantant l’Algérie depuis la Toussaint 1954, le président de la République, René Coty, fait appel à un « homme providentiel », un militaire illustre qui, aux yeux des Français, a déjà sauvé le pays, le hissant du rang de vaincu en 1940 à celui de victorieux cinq années plus tard.Le général de Gaulle, hostile au régime des partis qui divisent le pays, se veut l’incarnation du peuple rassemblé. Dernier président du Conseil de la Quatrième République, il transforme les institutions politiques. A une République parlementaire succède une République qui reconnaît la fonction primordiale du chef de l’Etat, fonction renforcée par son élection au suffrage universel direct après la réforme constitutionnelle de 1962. À la République des partis, Charles de Gaulle substitue une « République des citoyens » dans laquelle prime l’expression de la souveraineté populaire.Souveraineté populaire, responsabilité politique pleine et entière des citoyens rassemblés au sein d’une nation qui regroupe toutes les classes sociales, toutes les sensibilités et se mettant elle-même au service de l’homme et du monde… Ces idées vont être mises en pratique, en mots, en images dans les villes et les villages de France, au cours des vingt-six voyages présidentiels de Charles de Gaulle en France métropolitaine. Les déplacements en province sont alors un élément clef, essentiel, de la « République des citoyens » voulue par le Général.La relation établie entre le chef de l’Etat et le peuple français présent aux cérémonies officielles organisées lors des déplacements présidentiels repose sur un échange : légitimité accordée au président de la République par la présence populaire ; sollicitation des citoyens par le chef de l’exécutif afin d’obtenir informations et réflexions relatives aux décisions à prendre nationalement et localement. Fondé sur cet échange avec le peuple régulièrement renouvelé sur les places des villes et des hameaux, sur les changements constitutionnels instituant le peuple comme ultime souverain, sur le recours fréquent à la procédure référendaire, le gaullisme au pouvoir sert une République portée à son accomplissement. / De Gaulle and the French people : their relationship was profoundly renewed when, on May 29, 1958, French political life toppled over. That day, President of the Republic René Coty – faced with a political class that proved incapable of finding a solution to the bloody Algerian conflict, raging since November 1954 – called upon a "providential man", an illustrious soldier who, in the eyes of the French, had already saved the country : France had been vanquished in 1940, but it was victorious five years later.Hostile to the partisan system that divided the country, General de Gaulle wanted to represent the assembled people. The last President of the Council of the Fourth Republic thus deeply transformed political institutions : the parliamentary Republic turned into a Republic that recognized the primary function of the Head of State. This function was reinforced by the constitutional reform of 1962 and its introduction of direct universal suffrage: under Charles de Gaulle, the partisan Republic was replaced by a "Republic of the citizens", in which the expression of popular sovereignty prevailed.Popular sovereignty in a nation that brings all social classes, all leanings together and is itself at the service of Man and of the world : these concepts were put into practice, words, images in the towns and villages of France, in the course of twenty-six presidential trips to the provinces in metropolitan France. They were key to the "Republic of the citizens" wanted by the General.The relationship between the Head of State and the people who came to these official ceremonies was based on an exchange: the popular presence granted the President of the Republic legitimacy – the head of the executive in turn solicited citizens to obtain information and thoughts on measures that needed to be taken, locally and nationally. Gaullism – based on these regular exchanges in town and hamlet squares, on the constitutional changes instituting the people as the ultimate sovereign and on the frequent use of referendums – served a Republic brought to its fulfillment.

No description available.

The Roman Empress Sabina is a pivotal figure in the representation of imperial women. She appears with more portrait types and on a higher proportion of the coinage produced both at Rome and in the provinces than any of her predecessors. While her sculpted likenesses do not compare in number to Livia’s, they do exceed those of most of the intervening women. This variety and quantity of representation created a new paradigm that was followed in subsequent reigns. All of this is contrasted with the lack of attention paid to Sabina in ancient historical writing, making the portraits of Sabina the best source on her life. My study differs from previous examinations of Sabina’s portraits in its methodological approach. I begin with a study of the coinage produced at Rome. I establish a concrete chronology of these coins through the use of die studies of both the aurei and dupondii/asses in order to resolve unanswered questions about the sequence and dating of Sabina’s portrait types. Through this new chronology, I interpret the significance of each portrait type. I then conduct the first detailed study of the provincial coin portraits of Sabina. The differences between the distribution of portrait types in quantity, chronology, and geography between the imperial and provincial coins reveals some of the mechanisms behind the two media and the reception of Sabina throughout the Empire. Comparing these data with the sculpture helps illuminate the distinctions in production and dissemination between media. Through this study, I create the most complete picture of Sabina’s portraiture to date and challenge previously held assumptions concerning the mechanisms of portrait creation. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The Empress Sabina was married to the Emperor Hadrian for his entire reign of over twenty years (117-138). Although she is almost completely absent from the ancient historical record, her portraits are more plentiful and varied than those of any imperial woman before her, making these our best source of information about her. This study covers the portraits of Sabina which appear on coins produced in Rome, coins produced in the Roman provinces, and sculpture produced throughout the Empire. The analysis of the coins produced at Rome establishes the chronology of the different representations of Sabina. This chronology facilitates the interpretation of why these changes in the Empress’s appearance were made. Comparison between the portraits in different media and from different areas of the Empire reveals the impact of context on the production, dissemination, and style of imperial portraits.

This dissertation interrogates the agency of provincial communities in the Roman Empire to shape their urban environments though the integration of non-local building types, specifically Roman-style baths. By applying an urban-studies approach to the examination of these technologically complex and socially significant building types, this study intervenes in the traditional study of Roman baths, which have primarily studied these facilities in isolation or focused exclusively on their design and layout. Instead, this dissertation explores the placement of Roman-style baths in provincial settlements, the urban contexts of their integration, and the influence that pre-existing baths and bathing culture had on the construction of Roman-style baths. Recognizing that provincial communities made deliberate choices regarding the location of Roman-style baths in their pre-existing urban framework, this dissertation explores the factors that helped dictate the placement of these bathing facilities. Rather than focus on a single region of the Roman world, this dissertation studies the placement of baths in one hundred settlements across eleven provinces that stretch from the Britannia in the west and Asia in the East. This transregional study presents a balance between exploring empire-wide trends and local practices concerning the urban context of Roman baths, as well as the relationship between the two and reveals the widespread preference for placing Roman baths in high-traffic locations, where access and visibility would be greatest. This dissertation ends with a focused examination of baths in Roman Greece and Britain to investigate how pre-existing bathing culture influenced the integration of Roman-style baths in these regions and how the preferred high-traffic locations were adapted by the local communities to accommodate these facilities. These case studies highlight the preference for these provincial communities to construct their baths afresh in new locations that best suited local needs and expectations. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation examines the placement of Roman-style baths in provincial communities to investigate the factors that influenced the integration of these bathing facilities into pre-established urban landscapes. A total of one hundred settlements across eleven provinces are studied in order to identify the factors that influenced the placement and integration of these non-local building types and how these factors varied between regions. In addition, focused case studies on Roman-style baths in Britain and Greece are used to explore how pre-existing bathing culture impacted the adoption of Roman public baths. This dissertation represents the first transregional study of the placement of Roman-style baths and contributes to a growing trend of scholarship that highlights the agency of local communities in the adoption of the Roman cultural practice of public bathing.

No description available.

Depuis le 19e siècle, des cultivars de peupliers à composantes exotiques comprenant les espèces Populus laurifolia Ledeb. et P. nigra L. coexistent avec les populations indigènes de P. balsamifera L. dans les Prairies canadiennes. Étant donné la facilité avec laquelle les peupliers s'entrecroisent, les taux d'hybridation spontanée entre un cultivar communément distribué [Symbole mâle]'Assiniboine' et son congénère indigène P. balsamifera ont été estimés. Un ensemble de 26 marqueurs moléculaires SNP a été utilisé afin de distinguer les espèces à l'étude. Le génotypage de plus de 2 000 graines provenant d'arbres femelles P. balsamifera a révélé la présence d'allèles paternels spécifiques à P. laurifolia, P. nigra et P. deltoides Marsh., qui sont des composantes typiques des cultivars de peupliers exotiques. Les taux d'hybridation varient entre 0,1 et 2,4 %. Le taux le plus élevé ayant été observé au site où des 'Peupliers russes' (P. laurifolia x P. nigra) centenaires ont été trouvés.

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2007-2008. / La prévision des revenus fiscaux est le point de départ du processus budgétaire des gouvernements. Les recettes estimées déterminent l'enveloppe globale dans laquelle les dépenses doivent s'inscrire pour équilibrer le budget. Ainsi, une décision prise à ce niveau oriente l'ensemble des décisions budgétaires subséquentes. L'objet de ce mémoire consiste en l'explication des erreurs de prévision de revenus ; c'est-à-dire à isoler les erreurs proprement intentionnelles et liées à la manipulation politique des erreurs non-intentionnelles causées par l'incertitude. Il sera démontré que durant la période de 1986 à 2004 (1) les gouvernements des provinces canadiennes ont manipulé leur prévision de revenus en année électorale. Toutefois, (2) les facteurs liés à l'incertitude économique sont plus importants que les facteurs politiques pour expliquer les erreurs dans les prévisions de revenus. En outre, (3) certains résultats laissent présager qu'une distinction entre des périodes, plus ou moins conservatrices du point de vue fiscal, ont une influence sur le niveau général des erreurs de prévision.

Ce mémoire a pour objectif d'étudier les cycles électoraux au Canada. Le cadre théorique mobilisé pour cette recherche s'appuie sur deux théories de ce champ d'étude soit la théorie des élections de premier et de deuxième ordre ainsi que la théorie du contrepoids électoral (« electoral balancing »). Dans un système politique à multi-niveaux, ces deux théories postulent que les résultats électoraux des différents paliers électoraux sont en fait reliés entre eux. D'après ces théories, les élections nationales auraient plus d'importance pour les électeurs, ce pourquoi les résultats d'une élection régionale seraient en fait déterminés par des facteurs provenant à l'arène politique nationale. Au Canada, cela implique que les résultats d'une élection provinciale seraient alors influencés par l'élection fédérale précédente. Pour étudier ce phénomène, l'ensemble des résultats électoraux des élections générales fédérales et provinciales de 1988 jusqu'à aujourd'hui ont été compilé dans une base de données. Des régressions linéaires et polynomiales ont ensuite été réalisées en prenant les résultats fédéraux comme variable explicative et les résultats provinciaux comme variable expliquée dans un premier temps, puis en étudiant la relation inverse. Les résultats électoraux ont été divisés par province puis en cinq familles de partis politiques : libérale, conservatrice, travailliste, écologiste et régionaliste. Les résultats de cette recherche varient selon la province considérée : les élections fédérales ont parfois plus d'influence sur l'élection provinciale suivante dans certains cas alors que dans d'autres il s'agit de la relation inverse qui prévaut. Ce mémoire conclut également qu'il y a une dynamique de balancement entre le vote fédéral et provincial dans certaines provinces, mais il n'y a aucune tendance générale qui se dégage à l'échelle du Canada. Cette recherche apporte une contribution significative à la littérature sur les cycles électoraux au Canada. / This research project is studying electoral cycles in Canada. Two main theories from this field of research are mobilized in this paper. The first one is the theory of first and second order election and the second is the theory of electoral balancing. In a multi-level electoral system, these two theories suggest that electoral results from different electoral levels are related to each other. These theories assumed that national elections are more important to voters. Therefore, regional electoral results are explained by factors coming from the national electoral level. In Canada, this theory implies that provincial electoral results are influenced by the previous federal election. To study this phenomenon, all provincial and federal electoral results from 1988 until today were coded into a dataset. A first set of linear and polynomial regressions was performed using federal electoral results as the independent variable and provincial electoral results as the dependent variable. Then, another set of regressions was performed but to study the opposite relation. Electoral results were split by province and into five families of political parties: liberal, conservative, labor, ecologist, and regionalist. Results vary between provinces: federal elections have more influence on provincial results in some provinces while the opposite relation is more important in others. This paper also concludes that there is a dynamic of electoral balancing between federal and provincial results in certain provinces, but that no general tendency can be seen across Canada. This research project is a significant contribution to the literature on electoral cycles in Canada.