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A qualitative study on a sample of 12 Puerto Rican women was conducted in Puerto Rico. The purpose of this study was to explore the various ways in which sexual meanings are created, changed, and modified as the nature of social discourse and personal experience changes. The two theoretical frameworks that guided the methodology and analysis of the data were social constructionism and feminism. I assumed that sexuality is socially constructed, shaped by social, political, and economic influences, and modified throughout life. Feminist theories assisted in documenting the ways in which females' sexuality in Puerto Rico is shaped by culture and by institutions that disadvantage females and other oppressed groups by silencing their voices. The theories guided the discussion of the contradicting messages about women's sexualities and their experiences, as these women fought, conformed to, and even colluded with their oppression. Analysis of the participants' written and oral narratives produced the overarching theme of sexual meanings/scripts, along with three interrelated sub-themes: sources and nature of sexual scripts, determining experiences, and social discourses of female sexuality. Participants reported three institutional sources of sexual messages: family, religion-culture, and institutions of education. Their determining experiences follow a common thread that weaves a common story line: the life-long struggle with the incongruencies between the social constructions of female sexuality and the realities of these women's sexual experiences. Sexuality is defined as being challenged and modified through the participants' lives. Four social discourses of female sexuality emerged from the analysis of the data: source of guilt and shame, vulnerability and sexual victimization, ambivalence, and empowerment. A theory of ambivalence was developed from the data as a means to understand the participants' process of developing the paradigms for their own sexuality. / Ph. D.

My dissertation analyzes the Spanish Nobel Laureate poet’s transatlantic path and his relationship to Spain, the United States and Puerto Rico as expressed in his archival practices from 1916 (his first trip to the U.S.) until his death in 1958. Jiménez went into permanent exile in 1936, when he and his wife Zenobia Camprubí fled from the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). During the war and subsequent dictatorship of Francisco Franco, Jiménez would live in Cuba, Coral Gables, Baltimore and Washington before settling in Puerto Rico in 1951. In Madrid, supporters of Franco broke into his residence and ransacked his papers, books and personal items ––his carefully-kept life's work–– which would take many years to recover only partially. Jiménez never returned to Spain. He died in Puerto Rico in 1958, not only writing new poems but rewriting, recreating and “reliving” his poems and prose, labors for which he had always depended upon his personal archive. Before his death, Jiménez destined his Nobel Prize earnings to the institutionalization of his archive (Sala Zenobia-Juan Ramón Jiménez, University of Puerto Rico) and to a museum (Casa-Museo Zenobia/Juan Ramón Jiménez) located in his childhood home in the Andalusian town of Moguer. The dissertation presents Jiménez as a steward of memory across borders and studies how the partial recovery of his papers and the establishment of his Sala in the University of Puerto Rico —one of the very first examples of the acquisition of a major writer’s papers in the U.S. or Puerto Rico— coincides with the formation of a national, cultural narrative and with archival practices heavily dependent upon a shifting national conception of Puerto Rican identity. Jiménez was attempting to reconstruct and preserve his work on an island still struggling to establish national, educational, cultural and archival institutions and to recover from the dispersal of its historical documents throughout Europe and in Washington, D.C. My dissertation examines Jiménez’s archive in the context of Puerto Rico's loss and repossession of its colonial archive and modernization of its own archival practices.

The purpose of this thesis is to give an outline of education and its progress on the island of Porto Rico, from the coming of the Spaniards through the years of American control. It is not written for experts on Porto Rican education, although it is the data of such experts, that has made this work possible. It is rather for those American students, who know little or not.hing of this possession, its early history, or its educational problems past or present; and yet who, like myself hear more and more of this island each year, so fast is it becoming a central force in the Unification of Pan American education and problems. This year marks the third decade of American control so that that portion dealing with educational progress since then, has been arbitrarily divided into ten year periods. This has been done merely for the sake of convenience, however, as the results of educational progress being abstract can never definitely be confined to periods. The writer is fully aware that this thesis i s only an outline of educational development but the subject is so broad, the years covered so extensive, and the modifications made in the existing systems so numerous, that many important phases have had to be treated summarily or eliminated altogether; but nevertheless, it is hoped that this study will give a comprehensible conception of these people, their struggle for enlightenment, and the success which they have achieved.

In November 2020, Puerto Rico, currently a territory of the United States, held a referendum and the majority voted to become a state of the United States of America. Statehood is decided by the U.S. Congress in Washington, D.C. For the 2020 Presidential Election, the Democratic Party platform expressed support for Puerto Rican statehood. Although the official stance on the Republican Party is to support whatever choice the electorate of Puerto Rico votes on in their referendum, many party leaders and members of the Republican Party have spoken out about their opposition to supporting the statehood of the territory. I will be investigating why these party leaders and general party members are against its statehood by looking at the Republican Party’s ideologically derived positions rooted in conservativism and the electoral incentive perspective to not have Puerto Rico as a state. How do leading Republican Party representatives justify their position against the addition of Puerto Rico as a U.S. state? How can the members of the Republican Party’s position on Puerto Rico statehood be understood by both party incentives and disincentives on expected electoral outcomes? It is noteworthy to look at what causes this paradox between the Republican Party’s official stance on Puerto Rican statehood and party leaders’ open opinions on the matter.

Jaguar Guapote (Parachromis managuensis) and Amphilophus spp. were assessed for effects of temperature on standard metabolic rate (SMR) and lower dissolved oxygen tolerance (LDOT), efficacy of gastric lavage for diet analysis, and diet in Puerto Rico reservoirs. Fish were acclimated to 22°C, 28°C, and 34°C and SMR and LDOT were measured using intermittent respirometers. Jaguar Guapote acclimated to 34°C had the greatest SMR, with 22°C and 28°C having similar SMR values. Amphilophus spp. acclimated to 28°C were similar to fish acclimated at 22°C and 34°C. Fish were resilient to high temperatures, losing equilibrium more rapidly at the coldest temperature, 22°C. Gastric lavage had low to moderate efficacy in extracting diet from cichlids. Diet in reservoirs differed among all species but overlap was present, suggesting cichlids in Puerto Rico may impact sportfish populations. These findings are important for making informed management decisions.

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Throughout the decades, poetry has served as a literary vehicle to express and emphasize the emotions of a person. It has provided the substantial drive for the developed and the structure of individuals dedicated to a cause. This is the case of the Puerto Rican poet Luis Pales Matos, a man that used this method to make known the racial differences he found in his country and to clear a way for the Island's independence. Palés Matos dedications have made him one of Puerto Rico most significant poets. His is the first poet in the Spanish language to dedicate part of his work to the black society. The following pages will question the purpose of his black poetry, "poesía negroide", and underline the civic and patriotic meaning behind it. Even thought critics look for a way to ensure that Pales Matos's intentions only reflect his devotions and affections towards the black people, it is necessary to mentions that his verses were caring a different agenda. It is not the exaltation of a race, but the importance of it in the structure of the Puerto Rican culture. A section of the Island's populations that was been keep indifferent to the rest of the people until he made the rest of the Island aware of its existent. Significant poems in his career will ratify this sentiment and conduct the reader to the center of the poet's social and political view.

The Orlando Metropolitan Statistical Area became the fastest growing Puerto Rican population since 1980.1 While the literature has grown regarding Orlando‘s Puerto Rican community, no works deeply analyze the push and pull factors that led to the mass migration of Puerto Ricans to Central Florida. In fact, it was the combination of deteriorating economies in both Puerto Rico and New York City (the two largest concentrations of Puerto Ricans in the United States) and the rise of employment opportunities and cheap cost of living in Central Florida that attract Puerto Ricans from the island the diaspora to the region. Furthermore, Puerto Ricans who migrated to the region established a support network that further facilitated future migration and created a Puerto Rican community in the region. This study uses the combination of primary sources including government document (e.g. U.S. Censuses, Orange County land deeds, etc.), local and nation newspapers, and oral histories from Puerto Ricans living in Central Florida since the early 1980s to explain the process in which Puerto Ricans formed their identity in Orlando since 1980. The result is a history of the Puerto Rican migration to Central Florida and the roots of Orlando‘s Puerto Rican community

U.S. Puerto Rico relations have always been mystifying to countless U.S. citizens, due to inconsistent policies and judicial decisions from the United States. Puerto Ricans have no control over immigration, yet they can decide the future of the island nation. Puerto Rico is a nation under colonial rule. Paul R. Bras sistains the possibility of corporate recognition for the ethnic group as a separate nationality within an existing state evocative of the United States. The United States has treated Puerto Rico as foreign country nevertheless at times as domestic. Under U.S. law and jurisprudence Puerto Rico is not part of the United States but rather the island is a possession. The elctoral difference between the two major political parties is less than three percent. Non-native voters in the island can have the clout to decide the ultimate political status of the island. A key concern to the problem is who are considered non-native voters in Puerto Rico. Non-native voters are those who have not been born in the Puerto Rico nor have one of their parents born in the island. The exclusion is legally and politically achievable. There are many countries (Ex. East Timor) in the world, former colonies (Ex. Namibia), and previous U.S. territories (Ex. Hawaii) that serve as examples of exclusion. Voting rights in plebiscites are determined by law. U.N. General Assembly Resolution 1514, states that all powers have to be in the hands of the people of Puerto Rico. International law and policies sustain that the future political status of colonies is to be determined by the nation. Puerto Rico lacks representation in the U.S. Government. When this happens the unrepresented become a separate nation. William Appelman Williams stated thet "the principle of self determination when taken seriously ...means a ploicy of standing aside for people to make their own choices, economic as well as political and cultural." Under international las and policies of self-determination Puerto Rico can exclude non-native voters. Judicial precedents make this point very comprehensible.