A China vem tendo grande influência sobre a República Democrática Popular da Coreia desde a sua fundação, nos anos 1940, até os dias de hoje. Não obstante, as relações entre os dois países oscilaram entre momentos de aproximação e distanciamento, ao longo da história, relacionadas tanto ao contexto externo regional e internacional, como às mudanças de política externa da China e da RDPC. O que se pretende com este trabalho é analisar a política externa norte-coreana, desde a fundação do país, examinando seus objetivos e suas estratégias, ao longo do tempo, de forma a identificar o papel que a China tem para o regime da RDPC. Para tanto, foi feita uma análise histórica, a partir da revisão bibliográfica pertinente ao tema. A hipótese central adotada afirma que, desde a fundação da RDPC até os dias de hoje, a China tem sido, além de um modelo econômico e político para o regime, uma peça fundamental da estratégia de barganha norte-coreana, por ser diretamente vulnerável à instabilidade da península coreana. / China has been having great influence over the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea ever since its foundation, in the 1940’s, up to today. Nevertheless, the relations between the two countries, throughout history, have oscillated between moments of rapprochement and moments of detachment. This is related not only to changes in the regional and international framework, but also to changes in the North Korean and the Chinese foreign policy. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse the North Korean foreign policy, since the country’s foundation, examining its objectives and its strategies, in order to identify the role played by China for the DPRK regime maintenance. For that purpose, a historical analysis based on literature review is presented. The central hypothesis states that, ever since the DPRK’s foundation until today, China has been both a role model, in economic and political terms, and a fundamental part in the North Korean bargain strategy, since it is directly vulnerable to the instabilities of the Korean Peninsula.

Historically, International Labour Law was developed to mitigate the negative social externalities of the Industrial Revolution and protect international trade from unfair competition. With a similar objective, the international community failed to establish the International Trade Organisation provided for in the 1948 Havana Charter. In its place, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was adopted. However, the Havana Charter remains the first universal trade treaty to include a social clause. During the Cold War, Western countries failed to introduce a social clause in the GATT. The most resounding failure was in the 1990s when the World Trade Organisation (WTO) was created. This failure drove Western countries to introduce social clauses in bilateral and non-universal multilateral trade agreements. Since the 2000s there has been a ‘boom’ of new social clauses. These clauses have developed into two main models: the conditional model and the cooperative (or promotional) model. The former model is typical of the US, the latter of the EU. The US and EU clauses have four characteristics and structural elements: social obligations, procedural commitments, implementation mechanisms and dispute settlement mechanisms. The main difference between the two types of social clauses lies in the presence (US model) or absence (EU model) of sanctions for breach of obligations. The research question of this dissertation concerns the legal efficacy of social clauses. First, the research reconstructs the historical-legal background and conceptualises social clauses. Second, the study compares the EU and US models from a legal-historical perspective. Third, the dissertation comparatively assesses two fundamental (and so far unique) cases for breach of social obligations: the US v. Guatemala case and the EU v. Republic of Korea case.

<p dir="ltr">This dissertation investigates the involvement of middle powers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs), specifically focusing on Canada and the Republic of Korea. The primary objective of this research is to comprehend the motives and behaviors of middle powers when engaging in peacekeeping efforts and to identify the key factors that influence their decisions. To achieve this goal, a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative and documentary analyses, is employed. The analysis draws data from government documents, reports, academic articles, and United Nations databases.</p><p dir="ltr">The political, security, economic, institutional, and normative rationales identified by Bellamy and Williams (2013) have a substantial influence on the involvement of middle powers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs). Although some rationales might hold greater prominence, the study recognizes that each rationale affects the choices made by middle powers to participate in UNPKOs. The research presents five hypotheses aimed at elucidating middle powers' engagement in UNPKOs and investigates the factors influencing countries' decisions to take part in these operations, particularly focusing on middle powers. The case studies of Canada and the Republic of Korea provide valuable insights into the diverse factors influencing middle powers' engagement in UNPKOs.</p><p dir="ltr">The study's findings hold implications for policymakers and practitioners in the field of middle powers and peacekeeping operations. Comprehending the factors influencing middle powers and their motivations can guide the development of effective strategies for engaging these actors and leveraging their unique capabilities in achieving peace and security objectives.</p>

This thesis aims to analyse the sport policy process in the Republic of Korea through an examination of the cases of elite sport and sport for all. This study assesses the utility of a number of theoretical frameworks all of which were created either in the North America or Europe. The following macro-level theories are discussed and assessed: Marxism, Elitism and Pluralism. At the meso-level Policy Community (Marsh and Rhodes 1992), Multiple Streams Framework (Kingdon, 1995) and Advocacy Coalition Framework (Sabatier and Jenkin-Smith, 1999) were investigated and their utility in the Korean context was evaluated. Two case studies, elite sport and sport for all, were chosen and qualitative research methods were used in order to gather empirical data. A series of forty three semistructured interviews were undertaken. The first round of interview was conducted between 22nd June 2007 and 11th July 2007 followed by more extensive second round of interviews from 29th November 2007 to 15th June 2008 in Korea. The interviewees included academics, journalists, elite athletes, senior officers in the government and sub-national government, senior officers in national government organisations such as KSC, NACOSA, SOSFO, senior officials in KISS, NGBs, the business sector, the military sector and voluntary organisations such as YMCA. Interview data was supported by extensive analysis of documents including government reports, annual Sport White Papers, newspapers and magazine articles. One of the central findings is that decision-making in relation to high performance (elite) sport policy is dominated by members of the political, business and military elite. High performance sport decision-making is tightly controlled by the government which has been consistently the core actor in Korea's elite sport policy process with there being little evidence of civil society involvement. As regard Sport For All, different levels of government and also non-government organisations were involved in promoting Sport For All. However of particular note is the lack of contact and cooperation between the government and other nongovernment organisations, for example, YMCA in terms of sharing experiences of promoting sport. Despite the involvement of different levels of government and of non-government organisations policy direction and momentum was largely set by the elite level of central government. The analysis reveals that elitism is the most appropriate framework to apply in Korean sport policy at the macro-level. As for the meso-level, none of the three frameworks were considered to be particularly useful although Policy Community appeared to be appropriate in the early stage of the research.

Toute action humanitaire en République Populaire Démocratique de Corée (RPDC) nécessite le soutien total de l’Etat nord-coréen avec lequel il faut négocier les conditions de distribution de l’aide à sa population. De cette dépendance naissent pour les agences humanitaires de nombreux dilemmes et risques : en acceptant de se plier aux conditions drastiques imposées par les autorités nord-coréennes, ne contribuent-elles pas à soutenir un régime considéré comme premier responsable des souffrances de sa population, et ne violent-elles pas les principes éthiques sur lesquels se base leur action ? Ce dilemme a poussé plusieurs organisations à partir de RPDC, parmi lesquelles Médecins Sans Frontières en 1998.En outre, l’importance des enjeux politiques et stratégiques sur la péninsule coréenne incitent les principaux pays bailleurs de fonds en RPDC à utiliser très souvent l’aide humanitaire dans un but politique. Cette instrumentalisation est lourde de conséquences pour les travailleurs humanitaires sur le terrain, contraints à agir dans un espace humanitaire remarquablement réduit.Quinze ans après les départs très médiatisés de plusieurs agences, six ONG européennes résidentes à Pyongyang maintiennent des programmes d’assistance à une population dont les besoins humanitaires restent immenses. Ces ONG ont adopté des stratégies de contournement qui leur ont permis de travailler sur le terrain dans le respect de leur charte éthique et qui leur ont permis, à force d’interactions ininterrompues avec leurs interlocuteurs nord-coréens, d’assouplir les contraintes sévères qui leur sont imposées. Ce travail de recherche consiste à détailler et analyser ces stratégies. / Any humanitarian action in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) requires the full support of the North Korean state, with which the conditions of aid distribution to the population must be negotiated. From this dependence arise many dilemmas and risks for the aid agencies, including whether by complying with the drastic constraints imposed by North Korean authorities they are unwillingly helping sustain a regime that is primarily responsible for the sufferings of its population and concerns that this may violate the ethical principles at the core of their aid efforts. This dilemma obliged several aid organizations, including Doctors Without Borders in 1998, to completely cease aid activities in the DPRK.Moreover, given the political and strategic importance of the Korean Peninsula, primary donor states of the DPRK tend to use aid as political leverage. This use of aid significantly affects the aid workers on the ground, who find themselves constrained and working in a remarkably reduced humanitarian space.Fifteen years after the highly publicized departure of several aid agencies, six European NGOs residing in Pyongyang continue to provide assistance programs to a population whose humanitarians needs remain largely unmet. These NGOs have adopted dilemma-circumventing strategies which allow them to work while adhering to their ethical codes of conduct and, thanks to constant interactions with their North Korean counterparts, to soften the severe constraints to which they are subjected. These strategies will be detailed and analyzed in this research.

In recent years, the multilateral approach to the nuclear fuel cycle has been promoted as a potential mechanism for strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime. The multilateral approach has the potential to gain international favour over what has become traditional practice – the indigenous development and control of nuclear facilities. This thesis explores the way in which four states have responded to the revived attention on multilateral approaches to the nuclear fuel cycle, within the framework of the norm life cycle. The varying levels of support reflect broader international opinion on this issue, as many developing states remain concerned that they may be required to forgo not only the “inalienable right” to peaceful nuclear energy, but also the prospective economic and technological benefits of indigenous development in order to participate. However, as the risk of further proliferation and nuclear terrorism comes to the fore of international agendas, facilitating multilateral control of the most sensitive aspects of peaceful nuclear energy may be the key to strengthening the non-proliferation regime in the 21st century.

The Diploma thesis on "The Significance of Public, Cultural and Economic Diplomacy in Terms of Czech-Korean Bilateral Relations" is dedicated to the both official and informal relations between the two countries, the Czech Republic and the Republic of Korea. At first, the author focuses on the history of international relations and defines all related factors. This is followed by a comprehensive definition of each of the types of state diplomacy. The Thesis is also expanded by selected methods that enable to assess the overall perception of countries by the rest of the world. The primary objective of the thesis are Czech-Korean bilateral relations in the historical as well as contemporary context. Their development has certainly undergone significant changes within the last 25 years. The mutual relations are defined by strong differences, but also by surprisingly analogous aspects in the historical, political, cultural or economic fields. It can be assumed that the interfaces encourage further cooperation between the government, the business community and the public, too, creating productive and strategic partnerships with the impact on national economy.

This thesis addresses the Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and the Republic of Korea, which is the first one of the new generation free trade agreements for EU. First, the issue is explained in the theoretical framework of the theory of international systems and the theory of neoliberal institutionalism, which allows to grasp it adequately in the international political context. Then, the work presents the development of the legislative environment concerning the common trade policy and the transformation of strategic thinking in this area. Further, it defines the scope of economic interactions between the two participants and their common interests leading to the conclusion of the agreement. Subsequently, the thesis analyses the existing contractual relationships of both participants and defines the main aspects of the newly accepted agreement. Lastly, the current effect of the efficiency of the agreement on the trade with goods and services is analysed.

This research focuses on understanding the defense industry of Sweden and the Republic of Korea (ROK), two middle powers renowned for advanced technology and weapon self-sufficiency. Previous studies have not explained why Sweden and Korea are competitive in the defense industry. This research aims to answer the question: What determinant factors have made ROK and Sweden to develop competitive defense industries on their own with sophisticated technology? The study seeks to enrich our understanding of the defense industry in Sweden and the ROK. Utilizing a case study approach, this research closely examines the specific contexts influencing the defense industries of these countries. The key findings are that Sweden needs to strike a balance by expanding government-led arms production facilities. In contrast, ROK needs to cooperate more actively with its allies, including the U.S. This thesis contributes by presenting future development directions based on the results.

No description available.