This dissertation is an intervention aimed primarily at the field of Canadian Political Science, but informed by engagements with Indigenous Studies, literatures on racial capitalism, and Global Histories. The overarching aim of the project is to provide a theoretical framework by which to study multi-scalar struggles taking place within and against the Canadian state from an explicitly anti-imperialist perspective. The insights of this project should also be of interest to the broad left, both in Canada and beyond. The dissertation begins with a call to situate the Canadian state, and its practice of “settler imperialism” as part of multi-scalar system of global racial capitalism. Key to understanding this is the mobilization of Stuart Hall’s concept of the “historical bloc” as a tool to grasp political mediations, and to refuse the too-easy analytical reification of structures or their practices of difference making. Part two of the dissertation interrogates the politics of solidarity “from below” by engaging “activist archives,” composed of “allyship toolkits,” zines, and pamphlets. These activist archives reveal two (at least analytically) distinct theories of change operating through the discourses of allyship and decolonization. While to differing degrees, they point to the work of politics below the state. In the case of “allyship” discourses this dissertation finds a normative individualism and an understanding of power as an object rather than something collectively exercised, leading to a charity model where solidarity is seen as an external relationship. In contrast, the decolonization literature understands how solidarity can proceed from an interested position towards building a relationship of shared concern, it substitutes a deference model for one defined by “relational autonomy” in the process of “worldmaking.” The final portion of this dissertation makes an in- depth case-study of Indigenous-led opposition to the Trans Mountain Expansion (TMX) pipeline project. Tracing out a number of strategies of hegemony, counter-hegemony, and grassroots struggles, the aim is to show a number of interrelated sites and tactics of anti-imperialist struggle grounded in a defence of both shared place and the self-determination of Indigenous nations. / Graduate / 2023-08-25

This qualitative case study aims to understand the ways in which students identifying as Native American, American Indian, and Indigenous navigate attending a university informed by their identities. Through semi-structured interviews with Indigenous students and participant observation with a Native American student organization, this study identified how this demographic of students navigate and conceptualize their identities as Native and Indigenous peoples, the benefits of joining a Native American student organization on their university campus, and how they experience the university as a racialized organization. One overarching and three nuanced research questions were examined to illustrate how students' identities inform how they experience university life with themes surrounding Native and Indigenous identity construction informed by federal policy and Indigenous community practices, collective identity and student involvement, sense of belonging at college, and understanding universities as racial organizations that participate in racial capitalism. The study findings indicated that students' identities are regularly negotiated, engaged with, and leveraged throughout their college experiences and recommendations were made for how colleges and universities can more adequately and equitably serve this student demographic.

<p dir="ltr">How do we navigate complex social situations? What tools, strategies, and experiences do we use in our attempts to connect with each other? This project delves into the pervasive nature of performativity in everyday life, particularly within the context of Vietnamese Americans navigating predominantly white geographies in the Midwest. Drawing from theories of performance, spatial dynamics, labor geography, and racial capitalism, this project explores how Vietnamese Americans strategically leverage their identities and cultural heritage in spaces such as Vietnamese restaurants. These performances serve as strategies for survival and legibility, shaping both economic prosperity and social recognition within marginalized communities. The research questions posed aim to uncover how marginalized bodies utilize performance to navigate white spaces, leverage specific performances in socially constructed spaces, and negotiate the complexities of the American dream across generations. Situated in the Midwest, this project particularly focuses on Indianapolis and Fort Wayne, where Asian American communities often contend with hypervisibility as racialized Others and spatially isolated exclusion. By examining performance and performativity as lived practices, I shed light on the cultural reproduction and negotiation of spaces within Asian American communities in the Midwest.</p>

This study distils some of the principal political and sociological lines of enquiry that Neville Alexander embarked upon in his published writings. It initially sets out to sketch the political, economic and intellectual milieu that he encountered after his release from Robben Island in 1974, and then it addresses the language question, as a part of the national question, in South Africa. The researcher argues that Alexander’s “dance” in the world of political and educational interventions has at times been solitary but that his discourse is substantively girded by the writings and experiences of established practitioners in the fields of sociolinguistics, political economy and cultural activities. The study concludes that his policy proposals on language in particular, in spite of the fact that the constitutional and institutional infrastructure exists for their implementation, have been put on the back burner because the dominant linguistic interests of the post-apartheid government correspond with the communication interests of market-driven institutions in the country, and not with the interests of the linguistic majorities who populate the nation. / Neville Alexander's thoughts on the language question in South Africa / Language question in South Africa / Educational Studies / M.Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

This study distils some of the principal political and sociological lines of enquiry that Neville Alexander embarked upon in his published writings. It initially sets out to sketch the political, economic and intellectual milieu that he encountered after his release from Robben Island in 1974, and then it addresses the language question, as a part of the national question, in South Africa. The researcher argues that Alexander’s “dance” in the world of political and educational interventions has at times been solitary but that his discourse is substantively girded by the writings and experiences of established practitioners in the fields of sociolinguistics, political economy and cultural activities. The study concludes that his policy proposals on language in particular, in spite of the fact that the constitutional and institutional infrastructure exists for their implementation, have been put on the back burner because the dominant linguistic interests of the post-apartheid government correspond with the communication interests of market-driven institutions in the country, and not with the interests of the linguistic majorities who populate the nation. / Neville Alexander's thoughts on the language question in South Africa / Language question in South Africa / Educational Studies / M.Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

Climate change is one of the greatest challenges currectly facing humanity. Its impacts lead to the displacement of people through sea level rise, desertification, drought, flood and other ecological disaster. The global imbalance of power results in people being unequally affected by climate change. This power imbalance affects the policy-making of intergovernmental institutions and knowledge production in policy processes. This thesis conducts a policy analysis to elaborate colonial continuities that influence knowledge production on migration and climate change. Therefore, the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration (GCM) is examined. The theoretical framework of the thesis draws on knowledge and power, modernity/coloniality, and racial capitalism. Findings suggest that the influences of colonial continuities on knowledge production about climate change and migration are reflected in underlying colonial epistemological and ontological assumptions, power structures and the hegemonic discourse. Alternative knowledges, such as those contributed by civil society actors are side-lined during the process and not included in the final document. The GCM does not consider the link between environmental change and racial capitalism or colonial power imbalance, but looks at only one of the adaptation strategies and presents it as a problem: human migration. Instead of addressing the root of the problem and holding polluting countries accountable for their inaction, the GCM focuses on migration control.

Text in Afrikaans with abstracts in Afrikaans, English and isiZulu / In sy haas om in die globale ekonomie geïntegreer te word, na baie jare van polities-ekonomiese isolasie – en dus volle lidmaatskap van die internasionale gemeenskap te verkry – het die na-apartheid staat die ekonomiese raamwerk van die vryemarkstelsel aanvaar, gebaseer op die beginsels van neo-liberale kapitalisme as sy normatiewe basis om die “nalatenskap van apartheid” aan te spreek. Die aanvaarding van die ekonomiese model van neo-liberale kapitalisme is egter problematies in soverre dit betekenisvol misluk het om na-apartheid Suid-Afrika se mees fundamentele moreel-polities-ekonomiese uitdaging, naamlik armoede, aan te spreek en te oorkom. Hierdie tesis bied ʼn alternatiewe ekonomiese model aan, naamlik uitgebreide korporatisme. Terwyl die neo-liberale ekonomiese model individuele belange beklemtoon (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van outonomie in die ekonomiese sfeer), beklemtoon die korporatistiese model, daarenteen, kollektiewe belange (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van kollektiewe eienaarskap en verantwoordelikheid). Die voorspraak vir uitgebreide korporatisme poog om die volgende aansprake te bewys: 1. Die vryemarkstelsel moet behoue bly, maar een of ander vorm van strategiese ingryping is nodig sodat bepaalde sosio-politieke en ekonomiese doelwitte bereik kan word. 2. Die huidige vorm van korporatisme in Suid-Afrika is “drieledigisme” (ʼn swak vorm van korporatisme). ʼn Uitgebreide korporatistiese politieke ekonomie kan teweeg gebring word deur die instelling van korporasies, die instelling van ʼn ekonomiese wetgewende gesagsliggaam, arbeidshowe en gesentraliseerde salarisonderhandelinge. 3. Uitgebreide korporatisme kan Suid-Afrika se sosio-ekonomiese probleme aanspreek. Transformasie kan bevorder word deur ʼn paradigmaverskuiwing weg van die liberale kapitalisme, ʼn magsverskuiwing weg van die wit kapitalistiese enklave en ʼn verspreidingsverskuiwing ten gunste van die swart verarmde laerklasse. 4. Alle ekonomiese sektore en private industrieë en bedrywe moet onder die beheer van korporasies gebring word. Die staat en arbeid moet vennote by private industrieë en bedrywe word. Op dieselfde wyse moet kapitaal ʼn vennoot by staatsondernemings word. In konklusie, die aanvaarding van uitgebreide korporatisme in Suid-Afrika sal verseker dat die staat, kapitaal en arbeid saamwerk en dat ekonomiese geregtigheid en harmonie sal seëvier. / In its haste to be integrated into the global economy, following many years of political-economic isolation – and thus assume full membership in the international community – the post-apartheid state adopted the economic framework of the free market system, based on the principles of neoliberal capitalism as its normative foundation for addressing the “legacy of apartheid”. The adoption of the economic model of neoliberal capitalism has, however, proved to be problematic insofar as it has failed significantly to address and thus overcome post-apartheid South Africa‟s most fundamental moral-political-economic challenge, namely poverty. This thesis offers an alternative economic model, namely extended corporatism. While the neoliberal economic model emphasises individual interest (based on the philosophical principle of autonomy in the economic sphere), the corporatist model, in contrast, emphasises collective interest (based on the philosophical principle of collective ownership and responsibility). The advocacy of extended corporativism is based on the following key claims: 1. The free market system must be retained, but some form of strategic intervention is necessary so that certain socio-political and economic results can be achieved. 2. The current form of corporatism in South Africa is in fact tripartism (a weak form of corporatism). An extended corporatist political economy can by brought about by the implementation of corporations, the establishment of an economic legislative body, labour courts and centralised wage bargaining. 3. Extended corporatism can address South Africa‟s socio-economic problems. Transformation can be promoted by a paradigm shift away from liberal capitalism, a power shift away from the white capitalist enclave and a distribution shift in favour of the black impoverished lower classes. 4. All economic sectors as well as private industries and businesses must be brought under the control of corporations. The state and labour must become partners in private industries and businesses. In the same way capital must become a partner in state enterprises. In conclusion, the adoption of extended corporatism in South Africa will ensure that state, capital and labour work together and that economic justice and harmony will prevail. / Ekuxhamezeleni kombuso owasungulwa emva kokuphela kobandlululo kuleli, ngenjongo yokuthi udidiyelwe emnothweni womhlaba, kulandela iminyaka eminingi ukhishwe inyumbazana kwezepolitiki nakwezomnotho – futhi ukuze uthathe indawo yawo njengelungu eligcwele lomphakathi wamazwe ngamazwe – waqoka ukwamukela nokusebenzisa uhlaka lwezomnotho lohlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile, olwakhelwe phezu kwemigomo yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, njengesisekelo-nkambiso sayo sokubhekana “nokhondolo lobandlululo”. Kodwa-ke, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kwemodeli yezomnotho yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, sekubonise ukuba yinkinga impela njengoba sekuhluleke kwancama ukunqoba inselele enkulukazi eNingizimu Afrika selokhu kwaphela ubandlululo, yokuqinisekisa ukubhekelelwa komuntu wonke, ephathelene nezepolitiki kanye nezomnotho, okuyinselele yobubha. Lo mbhalo wetisisi uhlinzeka ngemodeli yezomnotho ehlukile engasetshenziswa, futhi leyo modeli wubukopeletsheni obeluliwe (extended corporatism). Njengoba inqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zomuntu ngamunye, (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yokuzimela kwezomnotho), imodeli yobukopeletsheni ngakolunye uhlangothi yona igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zabantu ngokuhlanganyela (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yobunikazi obuhlanganyelwe kanye nesibopho esihlanganyelwe). Ukwesekwa kanye nokukhuthazwa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe kusekelwe phezu kwalezi zitatimende ezisemqoka: 1. Uhlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile kumele lugcinwe, kodwa-ke kuyadingeka ukungenelela okuthile okukhethekile ukuze kuzuzwe imiphumela ethile yezenhlalo-politiki kanye nezomnotho. 2. Uhlobo lobukopeletsheni olukhona njengamanje kuleli, eqinisweni, luwubukopeletsheni obungunxantathu (obubandakanya isivumelwano phakathi kwabaqashi, izinyunyana zabasebenzi kanye nohulumeni), i-tripartism (okuwuhlobo lobukopeletsheni oluntekenteke kakhulu). Umnotho wezepolitiki oncike kubukopeletsheni obeluliwe ungalethwa ngokuqaliswa kokopeletsheni, nangokusungulwa kwenhlangano eshaya imithetho ephathelene nezomnotho, nezinkantolo zabasebenzi kanye nokuxoxisana ngamaholo okwenziwa esigcawini esisodwa esibandakanya zonke izinhlaka ezithintekayo. 3. Ubukopeletsheni obeluliwe bungazixazulula izinkinga zenhlalo-mnotho ezibhekene neNingizimu Afrika. Uguquko lungagqugquzeleka ngokuthi kuphunywe kwinqubo ekhululekile yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe, futhi kuphunywe ngaphansi kwenqubo yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe abamhlophe, kuguqukelwe emnothweni obhekelela abantu abamnyama abasemazingeni aphansi ababhuqabhuqwa wububha nenhlupheko. 4. Yonke imikhakha yomnotho kanjalo nezimboni namabhizinisi azimele kumele kufakwe ngaphansi kolawulo lokopeletsheni. Umbuso kanye nabasebenzi kumele babambisane nezimboni namabhizinisi. Ngendlela efanayo, ogombelakwesakhe nabo kumele babambisane namabhizinisi ombuso. Uma sengiphetha, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe eNingizimu Afrika kuyoqinisekisa ukuthi umbuso, ogombelakwesakhe kanye nabasebenzi basebenza ngokubambisana futhi kanjalo lokho kuyoletha ubulungiswa bezomnotho kanye nokuzwana. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)