The history of Turkey since 2002 when it has been governed by Justice and Development Party (JDP) offers an interesting puzzle for the students of regime change. JDP, which has initially been hailed as the champion of democracy, is now criticized for its authoritarian tendencies. The trajectory of JDP creates problems for dominant theoretical perspectives that focuses on deep societal/structural changes or institutional learning. Both views are incompatible with a sudden reversal by the same actors. I argue that conceiving the dominance of the norm “democracy” on a global level as a key determinant enables us to understand both JDP’s transformation to a pro-democratic force in early 2000’s and the subsequent turn to a majoritarian form of democracy by reinterpreting the norms that it deployed earlier to connect to the global normative order. To show the importance of this link, I develop a dialogical discourse analysis that tracks the interaction between narratives produced by the JDP and Western actors.

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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo básico aplicar os modelos de mudança de regime para as séries financeiras tanto brasileiras quanto americanas. O período em análise compreende um conjunto amplo de choques, nos quais os modelos de mudança de regime tem um comportamento melhor vis-à-vis os modelos tradicionais. Para verificar a maior eficácia destes modelos foram usados vários critérios tanto estatísticos quanto de mercado.

Magister Legum - LLM

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2015. / The word apartheid refers to the racist belief that certain people are less human than others. In South Africa, the system technically began with the 1913 Land Act which set aside eighty-seven per cent (87%) of the most fertile land for white South Africans, leaving behind only thirteen per cent (13%) to be shared by the majority black Africans. This unequivocally generated a socio-political crisis in the country. Despite a plethora of literature on apartheid as such, there seems to have been some paucity of empirical studies on apartheid’s compulsion, its demise and the rise of a new political era during the period from 1948 to 1994. Puzzlement and curiosity within the public mind in South Africa and the world, about the gross violation of civil liberties perpetrated by the apartheid regime, prompted a scientific study of this nature. This study does not argue that the year 1948 marked the beginning of compulsive policies in South Africa On the contrary; there were various forms of compulsions that existed in South Africa prior to the period in question. The year 1948, however, serves as the point of departure for the study. The year 1948 ushered in the adoption and implementation of apartheid’s -social engineering by the ruling National Party- as an official State ideology. Between 1948 and 1988, a series of compulsive racial laws, which violated fundamental civil liberties, were passed by the South African parliament. Compulsive structures and strategies were devised and refined by the apartheid regime on the assumption of power in 1948 to safeguard and perpetuate the power in the face of a hostile and non-compliant majority. This led to a gradual, peaceful protest which later metamorphosed into various forms of political struggle. It was these forms of struggle that ensured the demise of apartheid and witnessed the advent of a new political dispensation in South Africa. From 1988 various political prisoners embarked on a hunger strike as a form of resistance to demonstrate their anger and rejection of apartheid compulsion. The hunger strike attracted the attention of the international community. This eventually led to more criticism and put pressure on the apartheid regime. As such, diplomatic and economic embargoes were placed on South Africa which greatly undermined its political and economic interests. What followed was mass disobedience and violent protests from different racial groups against the apartheid regime, thereby leading to the deaths of thousands of people, particularly those who vehemently opposed the compulsive racial laws. The victims that survived were either injured, imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Thus, the period between 1988 and 1990 was marked by intense resistance. In addition, the period in question destabilised the very foundation of 'apartheism' as an ideology in South Africa. It also signalled the demise of the compulsive segregationist policies in the country. The years between 1990 and 1994 played a vital role in the history and historiography of South Africa. They witnessed the release of the long-awaited political prisoner, Nelson Mandela, who championed the remaining campaigns against the compulsive apartheid tendencies. He was officially and unconditionally released from prison after spending about 10,000 days behind bars. The period in question was characterised by various apartheid strategies aimed at destabilising the liberation movement. The regime introduced improved survival strategies in arming the police and other security agents with more power to crush all forms of insurrection against it. In the space of four years, thousands of people lost their lives in regime-sponsored and politically related violence. South Africa was thrown into a state of anarchy characterised by, among other things, intense rivalry among political formations. The year 1994, however, witnessed a departure from apartheid to democracy. It paved the way for the emergence of Nelson Mandela as the first democratically elected president of South Africa. The period between 1994 and 1996 played a vital role towards consolidating a popular democratic political system in South Africa. The emerging government was faced with a plethora of administrative, social, economic and political challenges. In 1996, the Government of National Unity (GNU), as part of its policy for national reconciliation, established a commission of enquiry known as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The commission’s mandate was to investigate various crimes committed by both the regime and other opposition political organisations, including the liberation movement. The findings of the commission revealed that the apartheid regime and its agencies, the Inkatha Freedom Party, IFP, the African National Congress, ANC, and other political groupings had committed varying degrees of abuses on fundamental civil liberties in South Africa. It could be argued that South Africa’s democratic elections produced an outcome which closely paralleled the Namibian experience and not that of Angola. The advent of a new political dispensation was welcomed and accepted beyond the borders of South Africa. The tri-cameral parliament with its dominant white house, token houses for ‘Coloured’ and ‘Indian’ populations and total exclusion of African blacks, disappeared and was superseded by a democratically elected non-racial parliament. The homeland or Bantustan structures, i.e. the four (4) ‘independent’ and the six (6) ‘self-governing’ homelands melted away, capitulated or were deposed in the headlong and non-compulsive run-up to South Africa’s first democratic elections. Although the structures disappeared, their legacy lingered on in the form of a multiplicity of effects with which South Africa has had to grapple for years to come. Nominally the architects of apartheid’s compulsion survived the transfer of power to a majority government. Given their past record, they were extremely fortunate not to have been summarily banished to the political wilderness. This could be attributed either to the generosity of spirit displayed by the majority or to the good sense of the majority in pursuit of a compromise path to limit the possibility of violent conflict, or perhaps a mixture of both. A democracy, given the seminal role played by the security establishment as the instrument of compulsion and destabilisation, required security institutions for its continued well-being. Thus, the transformation of these institutions from instruments of compulsion to friendly protectors of civil liberties was crucial. Thus, from 1996 onwards, the new South Africa was substantially free from the kind of political violence which had resulted in deaths on an on-going basis.

Este trabalho apresenta uma análise do fenômeno da transição no regime de desgaste por deslizamento dos aços. Esta análise foi feita usando as abordagens termodinâmicas do desgaste e estudando tópicos como a temperatura superficial, o papel da remoção das partículas de desgaste e a evolução nas propriedades das superfícies desgastadas ao longo do ensaio de desgaste. Foram realizados ensaios de desgaste por deslizamento de pinos de aço AISI 4140 sobre discos de aço AISI H13. Foram usados dois níveis de dureza dos pinos e três níveis de dureza dos discos por cada condição dos pinos. Foi utilizada uma carga normal de 35 N, uma velocidade de deslizamento de 0,1 m/s e um tempo de deslizamento de 3600 s. Foram executados ensaios parciais, com tempos menores que 3600 s, para avaliar o estado das superfícies ao longo do ensaio, e ensaios com remoção das partículas de desgaste para analisar o seu papel na atuação dos regimes. A variação da força de atrito e da temperatura subsuperficial do pino foi monitorada durante os ensaios. A caracterização dos materiais antes e depois dos ensaios foi efetuada através da observação em lupa e em microscópio eletrônico de varredura, e de medições de perdas de massa, dureza, microdureza e rugosidade superficial. Os resultados mostraram que a operação dos regimes moderado e severo de desgaste foi influenciada pela dureza inicial dos materiais. Na condição de dureza alta dos pinos (serie a), a diminuição da dureza dos discos promoveu a operação de um regime severo de desgaste prévio à atuação de um regime moderado de desgaste (condições a2 e a3). Na condição da dureza baixa dos pinos (serie b) se observou um regime severo de desgaste que com o aumento da dureza dos discos resultou na transição para um regime moderado de desgaste (condições b2 e b1). Os ensaios com a remoção das partículas de desgaste mostraram que o terceiro corpo contribuiu com aproximadamente um 50% da força de atrito, mas não parece ter nenhuma influência sobre a operação dos regimes de desgaste. A caracterização das superfícies de desgaste sugeriu que a oxidação durante o regime moderado não foi originada pelo calor dissipado por atrito, e as altas temperaturas de contato, e sim preferivelmente pelo comportamento mecânico dos corpos deslizantes. Os resultados indicam que a transição no regime de desgaste foi causada pela mudança da natureza da deformação no contato entre as superfícies. Um contato predominantemente elástico e plástico resultou na atuação dos regimes de desgaste moderado e severo, respectivamente. / This work presents an analysis of the phenomenon of the sliding wear regime transition of steels. This analysis was made using the thermodynamic approaches of wear and studying topics such as the surface temperature, the role of wear debris removal and the evolution of worn surfaces properties during the wear tests. Sliding wear tests of AISI 4140 steel pins on AISI H13 steel disks were performed. Two levels of pin hardness and three levels of disk hardness for each condition of the pins were used. A normal load of 35 N, a sliding velocity of 0.1 m/s and a sliding time of 3600 s were applied. Tests interrupted at lower sliding times smaller than 3600 s were run to assess the worn surfaces state during tests. Tests with wear debris removal were executed to analyze its role on the wear regimes operation. The variation of the friction force and the pin subsurface temperature was monitored during tests. The characterization of materials before and after tests was performed by observation in stereoscopic and scanning electron microscopy, and by measurements of mass loss, hardness, microhardness and surface roughness. The results showed that the operation of mild and severe wear regimes was in_uenced by the initial hardness of materials. At the high pin hardness condition (run a), a decrease in disk hardness promoted the severe wear regime operation prior to the action of a mild wear regime (conditions a2 and a3). At the low pin hardness (run b) a severe wear regime, which resulted in the wear regime transition from mild to severe (conditions b2 and b1), was observed with the increase in disk hardness. Tests with removal of wear particles showed that the third body contributed with approximately 50% of the friction force, but seems to have no in_uence on the wear regimes operation. The characterization of worn surfaces suggested that the oxidation during mild wear regime was not caused by the dissipated heat by friction, and high contact temperatures, but by the mechanical behavior of the sliding bodies. The results indicate that the wear regime transition caused a change in the nature of deformation at the contacting surfaces. A predominantly elastic and plastic contact resulted in the action of mild and severe wear regime, respectively.

Este trabalho apresenta uma análise do fenômeno da transição no regime de desgaste por deslizamento dos aços. Esta análise foi feita usando as abordagens termodinâmicas do desgaste e estudando tópicos como a temperatura superficial, o papel da remoção das partículas de desgaste e a evolução nas propriedades das superfícies desgastadas ao longo do ensaio de desgaste. Foram realizados ensaios de desgaste por deslizamento de pinos de aço AISI 4140 sobre discos de aço AISI H13. Foram usados dois níveis de dureza dos pinos e três níveis de dureza dos discos por cada condição dos pinos. Foi utilizada uma carga normal de 35 N, uma velocidade de deslizamento de 0,1 m/s e um tempo de deslizamento de 3600 s. Foram executados ensaios parciais, com tempos menores que 3600 s, para avaliar o estado das superfícies ao longo do ensaio, e ensaios com remoção das partículas de desgaste para analisar o seu papel na atuação dos regimes. A variação da força de atrito e da temperatura subsuperficial do pino foi monitorada durante os ensaios. A caracterização dos materiais antes e depois dos ensaios foi efetuada através da observação em lupa e em microscópio eletrônico de varredura, e de medições de perdas de massa, dureza, microdureza e rugosidade superficial. Os resultados mostraram que a operação dos regimes moderado e severo de desgaste foi influenciada pela dureza inicial dos materiais. Na condição de dureza alta dos pinos (serie a), a diminuição da dureza dos discos promoveu a operação de um regime severo de desgaste prévio à atuação de um regime moderado de desgaste (condições a2 e a3). Na condição da dureza baixa dos pinos (serie b) se observou um regime severo de desgaste que com o aumento da dureza dos discos resultou na transição para um regime moderado de desgaste (condições b2 e b1). Os ensaios com a remoção das partículas de desgaste mostraram que o terceiro corpo contribuiu com aproximadamente um 50% da força de atrito, mas não parece ter nenhuma influência sobre a operação dos regimes de desgaste. A caracterização das superfícies de desgaste sugeriu que a oxidação durante o regime moderado não foi originada pelo calor dissipado por atrito, e as altas temperaturas de contato, e sim preferivelmente pelo comportamento mecânico dos corpos deslizantes. Os resultados indicam que a transição no regime de desgaste foi causada pela mudança da natureza da deformação no contato entre as superfícies. Um contato predominantemente elástico e plástico resultou na atuação dos regimes de desgaste moderado e severo, respectivamente. / This work presents an analysis of the phenomenon of the sliding wear regime transition of steels. This analysis was made using the thermodynamic approaches of wear and studying topics such as the surface temperature, the role of wear debris removal and the evolution of worn surfaces properties during the wear tests. Sliding wear tests of AISI 4140 steel pins on AISI H13 steel disks were performed. Two levels of pin hardness and three levels of disk hardness for each condition of the pins were used. A normal load of 35 N, a sliding velocity of 0.1 m/s and a sliding time of 3600 s were applied. Tests interrupted at lower sliding times smaller than 3600 s were run to assess the worn surfaces state during tests. Tests with wear debris removal were executed to analyze its role on the wear regimes operation. The variation of the friction force and the pin subsurface temperature was monitored during tests. The characterization of materials before and after tests was performed by observation in stereoscopic and scanning electron microscopy, and by measurements of mass loss, hardness, microhardness and surface roughness. The results showed that the operation of mild and severe wear regimes was in_uenced by the initial hardness of materials. At the high pin hardness condition (run a), a decrease in disk hardness promoted the severe wear regime operation prior to the action of a mild wear regime (conditions a2 and a3). At the low pin hardness (run b) a severe wear regime, which resulted in the wear regime transition from mild to severe (conditions b2 and b1), was observed with the increase in disk hardness. Tests with removal of wear particles showed that the third body contributed with approximately 50% of the friction force, but seems to have no in_uence on the wear regimes operation. The characterization of worn surfaces suggested that the oxidation during mild wear regime was not caused by the dissipated heat by friction, and high contact temperatures, but by the mechanical behavior of the sliding bodies. The results indicate that the wear regime transition caused a change in the nature of deformation at the contacting surfaces. A predominantly elastic and plastic contact resulted in the action of mild and severe wear regime, respectively.

O trabalho procura analisar o papel da Música Popular Brasileira (MPB) nos eventos de protesto no período final do Regime Militar, entre 1977 a 1984. Nesse momento, a MPB esteve presente em shows, comícios, TV, rádios e em caminhões de som, embalando manifestações públicas contrárias ao Regime e campanhas eleitorais promovidas por estudantes, partidos de oposição, nos quais destacaram-se o MDB, posteriormente PMDB, PT e PDT, movimentos sindicais, movimentos de bairro, pela Anistia e pelas Diretas Já. É possível constatar que muitos artistas, como Elis Regina, Chico Buarque, Caetano Veloso, Gonzaguinha, Gilberto Gil, entre outros do elenco já consagrado de MPB, estiveram presentes nessas manifestações. Nosso objetivo é compreender as atuações desses artistas como agentes políticos, suas possíveis ligações com os partidos de oposição e o papel das canções na ressignificação dos valores políticos e na construção de um sentido de pertencimento coletivo na oposição ao Regime Militar. / The paper analyzes the role of Popular Brazilian Music (MPB) in protest events in the final period of the Military Regime from 1977 to 1984. At that time, the MPB was present at concerts, rallies, TV, radio and sound trucks, cradling public demonstrations against the regime and electoral campaigns by students , opposition parties, in which stood out the MDB later PMDB, PT and PDT, labor movements, neighborhood movements , by Anistia and the Diretas Já. You can see that many artists like Elis Regina, Chico Buarque, Caetano Veloso, Gonzaguinha, Gilberto Gil, among other already established cast of MPB, attended these events. Our goal is to understand the performances of these artists as political agents, their possible links with the opposition parties and the role of songs in reframing of political values and building a sense of collective belonging in opposition to the Military Regime.

O trabalho procura analisar o papel da Música Popular Brasileira (MPB) nos eventos de protesto no período final do Regime Militar, entre 1977 a 1984. Nesse momento, a MPB esteve presente em shows, comícios, TV, rádios e em caminhões de som, embalando manifestações públicas contrárias ao Regime e campanhas eleitorais promovidas por estudantes, partidos de oposição, nos quais destacaram-se o MDB, posteriormente PMDB, PT e PDT, movimentos sindicais, movimentos de bairro, pela Anistia e pelas Diretas Já. É possível constatar que muitos artistas, como Elis Regina, Chico Buarque, Caetano Veloso, Gonzaguinha, Gilberto Gil, entre outros do elenco já consagrado de MPB, estiveram presentes nessas manifestações. Nosso objetivo é compreender as atuações desses artistas como agentes políticos, suas possíveis ligações com os partidos de oposição e o papel das canções na ressignificação dos valores políticos e na construção de um sentido de pertencimento coletivo na oposição ao Regime Militar. / The paper analyzes the role of Popular Brazilian Music (MPB) in protest events in the final period of the Military Regime from 1977 to 1984. At that time, the MPB was present at concerts, rallies, TV, radio and sound trucks, cradling public demonstrations against the regime and electoral campaigns by students , opposition parties, in which stood out the MDB later PMDB, PT and PDT, labor movements, neighborhood movements , by Anistia and the Diretas Já. You can see that many artists like Elis Regina, Chico Buarque, Caetano Veloso, Gonzaguinha, Gilberto Gil, among other already established cast of MPB, attended these events. Our goal is to understand the performances of these artists as political agents, their possible links with the opposition parties and the role of songs in reframing of political values and building a sense of collective belonging in opposition to the Military Regime.

Autoritarismus global: Entgegen vieler Erwartungen der Politikwissenschaft und des gehobenen Feuilletons aus den frühen 1990er Jahren scheint sich der autoritäre Regimetyp durchzusetzen. Antworten, die politische Regime auf alte und neue Herausforderungen geben, sind immer weniger demokratischer und immer mehr autoritärer Natur. Wir analysieren diesen WeltTrend: von Lateinamerika und Ostasien über Russland und den Nahen Osten bis in die Mitte Europas.