Magister Legum - LLM

Face à la mondialisation qui a profondément transformé le milieu international, l’Organisation des Nations Unies, dont le projet est assez mondialiste sur le fond (paix durable pour toute l’humanité), est restée en réaction. Elle semble n’avoir pris conscience des enjeux de la globalisation économique qu’à la veille du XXIe siècle, en posant les lignes de sa refondation lors des Sommets (2000 et 2005) d’entrée dans le IIIe Millénaire. Malgré les initiatives, les avancés politiques de l’ONU restent peu significatives. A défaut d’une profonde réforme politique, s’est imposée l’idéologie de la « Gouvernance globale » et son mot d’ordre néo-libéral du « moins de politique, moins d’Etat ». Or le défi politique de la mondialisation se décline en fléchissement de la souveraineté des Etats, affaiblissement de la démocratie, brouillage des identités (citoyenneté), globalisation de l’insécurité, péril écologique etc. Face à ces défis, l’universalisme onusien et le multilatéralisme sont bien en panne ; le dépassement de l’Etat-nation parait aussi inévitable que l’avènement d’un Etat mondial est impossible. La perspective régionaliste semble donc plus pertinente pour aborder les menaces globales. Cette thèse défend l’hypothèse d’une reconfiguration du monde en un système oligopolaire de grands ensembles régionaux dirigés par des institutions communautaires (UE, UA). C’est une logique de « grands espaces », inspirée des grands projets amphictyoniques historiques (Projets de paix perpétuelle), et qui postule de nouvelles communautés régionales de sécurité, articulées par une ONU refondée. Cette refondation est pensée autour du droit international adossé à une nouvelle éthique globale. L’avenir des Nations Unies et du système international passe moins par la « global governance » inspirée du marché, que par la construction de grands pôles régionaux politiques en articulation avec l’intégration économique. / In the face of the globalization that has profoundly changed the international environment, the United Nations, whose project is fairly globalist on the substance (lasting peace for all mankind), has remained in reaction. It seems to have become aware of the stakes of economic globalization only on the eve of the twenty-first century, setting the lines of its refoundation at the Summits (2000 and 2005) of entry into the Third Millennium. Despite the initiatives, the political progress of the UN remains insignificant. In the absence of a deep political reform, ideology of "Global Governance" and its neo-liberal slogan of "less politics, less state" imposed itself. But the political challenge of globalization is declining in sovereignty of states, weakening of democracy, blurring of identities (citizenship), globalization of insecurity, ecological peril, etc. Faced with these challenges, UN universalism and multilateralism are failing; the overcoming of the nation-state seems as inevitable as the advent of a world state is impossible. The regional perspective thus seems more relevant to address global threats. This thesis defends the hypothesis of a reconfiguration of the world into an oligopolar system of large regional ensembles led by community institutions (EU, AU). It is a logic of "great spaces", inspired by major historical amphictyonic projects (Perpetual Peace Projects), and postulates new regional security communities, articulated by a refounded UN. This refoundation is thought around international law backed by a new global ethic. The future of the United Nations and the international system is less influenced by "global governance" inspired by the market than by the construction of major regional poles in coordination with economic integration.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the concept of autonomy, taking as the case study Brazil under the Workers Party Government (2003-2016). Approach that will be taken aims at combining perspectives of Latin-American structuralism with those of realism and interdependency. Thesis essentially concentrates on two specific issue areas: global economy and international politics. By constructing a theoretical framework, I aspire to identify and analyze various factors considered to have a direct impact on the study matter. In doing so, I consider the behavior of distinct variables and their effect on the degree of autonomy. Finally, thesis addresses problems of international insertion for peripheral countries, considering possibilities and limits of truly autonomous action.

This thesis focuses on description and analysis of Mexico in regional integrations. We assess agreements NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement), MEUFTA (Mexico-European Union Free Trade Area) and Japan-Mexico EPA (Economic Partnership Agreement). These agreements are crucial for Mexico in terms of trade volumes of goods, services and capital. In the second part of the thesis we describe company 2N Telekomunikace a.s. and its expansion on the mexican telecommunications market with respect of MEUFTA effects. Trade effects analysis and future implications for individual countries are the outputs of the thesis.

The aim of the thesis was to show the weakness of SAARC right from its origins as well as a great flaw in the making of the charter which excluded the notion of security as well as "bilateral" and "contentious" issues to be discussed in the organization. South Asia has for long been an area prone to violence and mistrust and the exclusion of elements of vital importance has further added to the weakness of SAARC. In the following work I will portray the dynamics and working of the region of SAARC as well as individual countries on how it affects the region as a whole and also why SAARC continues to be a toothless organization in-spite knowing the origin of the problem and why nothing is being done. Also, with the case study of India and Pakistan, it shows us that when two nations of totally opposite ideologies and bloody beginnings since independence exist within the region, the idea of integration is a far fetched dream.

The establishment of the East African Community (EAC) in 1999 brought with it new expectations for the citizens of the East African region. The main objective of the EAC is to bolster development in various fields such as economic, social, cultural, research, technology and legal affairs. In order to reach such an objective, the EAC member states have pledged to adhere to human rights, as one of the founding principles of the EAC. Member states are also required to respect accepted universal human rights standards when carrying out Community activities. In order to ensure that EAC values, as provided in the EAC Treaty, are preserved, member states voluntarily decided to put in place a judicial organ for the Community − the East African Court of Justice (EACJ). The Court is the main judicial organ of the EAC, with the primary responsibility for interpreting and applying EAC law. Despite the fact that human rights constitute one of the EAC norms, the EACJ has yet to be granted an explicit human rights jurisdiction. It has thus fallen on the Court to engage in judicial activism to indirectly protect human rights within the Community. Thus, this study examines the role of the EACJ in protecting human rights within the EAC, as well as the challenges it is facing at present and its prospects. This study, therefore, demonstrates that the current limitation on the human rights jurisdiction of the EACJ has rendered the Court unable to protect human rights effectively within the EAC. / Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / tm2015 / Centre for Human Rights / LLD / Unrestricted

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T15:38:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Scherma_MarcioAugusto1983-_D.pdf: 1539408 bytes, checksum: 9263d02121ff89d67436ec89d5dad1f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: As fronteiras são regiões geográficas que se distinguem das demais especialmente devido ao fato de que nelas, as interações internacionais são uma realidade cotidiana. Essa interação comporta fluxos de pessoas, mercadorias, recursos financeiros, culturais, dentre outros, podendo ter impacto positivo ou negativo para os países, dependendo do investimento e atuação de ambos na região. O Brasil é o maior país da América do Sul, apresentando 15.719km de fronteiras terrestres com nove países mais a Guiana francesa. A "faixa de fronteira" brasileira abarca 11 Unidades da Federação, 588 municípios e mais de 10 milhões de habitantes. A extensão de suas fronteiras e o número de países com os quais faz divisa conferem à região papel central na integração regional com os vizinhos sul-americanos e também no desenvolvimento do país. Apesar dessa importância, o tema foi até hoje pouco explorado no país sob o enfoque das relações internacionais. O tratamento dado na academia foi eminentemente de caráter geográfico ou geopolítico, abordando a questão das fronteiras eminentemente do ponto de vista estratégico-militar, com maior foco em temas relativos à segurança nacional e defesa da soberania. Esta tese pretende explorar o tema das fronteiras brasileiras do ponto de vista das relações internacionais ¿ notadamente, a partir de uma perspectiva construtivista. Far-se-á uma análise das linhas de atuação da política brasileira para a faixa de fronteira, com ênfase nos períodos militar e pós-redemocratização. A hipótese central do trabalho é que a partir da redemocratização há uma ruptura com o padrão anterior de atuação nas fronteiras ¿ vigente ainda durante o período militar (1964-1985). Vale dizer, tanto na doutrina como na ação, predominava, a segurança como o foco nacional para a faixa de fronteira ¿ as fronteiras seriam áreas prioritárias de vigilância pela vulnerabilidade que apresentariam. Já a partir de meados dos anos 80, o foco principal de atuação vai-se alterando e passaria a estar no potencial de integração das fronteiras e no fomento ao desenvolvimento sócio-econômico destas áreas, até como forma de garantir a segurança / Abstract: Borders are geographical regions which are distinguished from others especially due to the fact that in them, international interactions are an everyday reality. This interaction involves flows of people, goods, money, cultural resources, among others, and may have positive or negative effects on the countries, depending on the investment and operation of them in that region. Brazil is the largest country in South America, with 15.719km of land borders with nine countries plus the French Guiana. The brazilian "border strip" includes 11 units of the Federation, 588 cities and more than 10 million inhabitants. The extent of its borders and the number of neighbor countries gives the region a central role in the South American regional integration and also in the development of the country. Despite this importance, the subject has ever been little explored in the country from the standpoint of international relations. The academic treatment had an eminently geographical or geopolitical character, addressing the question of the borders eminently from the strategic-military point of view, with a greater focus on issues related to national security and defense of sovereignty . This thesis aims to explore the issue of Brazilian borders from the point of view of international relations - notably, from a constructivist perspective. It makes an analysis of Brazilian politics for the border region, with emphasis on military and post- democratization periods. The central hypothesis of this work is that from the return of the democracy in Brazil is a break with the previous pattern of activity at the borders - specially during the military period (1964-1985). That is, both in doctrine and in action, security prevailed as the national focus to the border area - the borders would be priority areas for surveillance for its intrinsic vulnerability. Starting in the mid-80s, the main focus goes changing and became the potential for integration of borders and the promotion of socio-economic development of these areas, even as a way to ensure safety / Doutorado / Política Externa / Doutor em Relações Internacionais

[pt] Esta dissertação de mestrado, ao longo de quatro capítulos, busca demonstrar como a Amazônia foi impactada e transformada por projetos de integração regional que, por meio do protagonismo do Estado brasileiro, se processou tanto na dimensão nacional quanto na internacional. O resultado foi a integração completa de toda região amazônica aos imperativos, preceitos, demandas e interesses do capitalismo global. Procuramos também sustentar a premissa teórica que globalização e capitalismo global são sinônimos e que sua expansão depende da atuação direta do Estado para se realizar no território, tornando-se uma forte variável para a definição das características gerais de uma região. / [en] This MSc dissertation, through four chapters, sought to demonstrate how the Amazon was impacted and transformed by projects of regional integration that, through the protagonism of the Brazilian State, was processed both in the domestic and international dimension. The outcome was the complete integration of all Amazon region to the imperatives, assumptions, demands and interests of global capitalism. We also sought to sustain the theoretical assumption that globalization and global capitalism are synonym and that their expansion depends on the direct agency of the State to be a territorialized reality.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

This paper explores the past, present, and future of Africa's regional integration trajectory. It examines both the “old” and “new theories” of regional integration and compares and different viewpoints in existing literature to illuminate different schools of thought on regional integration with an Africa-centric approach at the centre. The paper argues that Africa's unique set of background conditions necessiates the development of a more relevant theoretical and conceptual framework and attempts to do so. Finally and arguably most importantly, this paper offers policy recommendations and pathways to regional integration through regional value chains that can improve regional production networks and looks at how the establishment of the AfCFTA promotes this process.