The diploma thesis deals with the rise of Turkey as a regional power in the Middle East since the end of the Cold War until the present. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the country's position in the region during the period 1990-2017 and to examine factors that contributed to the growth of Turkey's power. The thoretical framework discusses important concepts and different approaches within the international relations literature to the analysis of regional powers and subsequently defines criteria for assessing whether to consider Turkey as a Middle Eastern power. The study follows chronological evolution of Turkey and its foreign policy, examining the country's material capacities as well as strategies and instruments used by Turkish governments to promote Turkey's influence at the regional level. In view of the growing power potential, ambitions and engagement in the region, the thesis has come to the conclusion that Turkey has achieved the status of one of the regional powers of the Middle East during the 1990s. The end of the bipolar international system was a factor that allowed Turkey to act more independently in the new global order. Subsequently, thanks to Turkey's economic growth, the Turkish leadership could increase the volume of funds spent on active foreign policy and thus strengthen...

This thesis deals with main principles and goals of Nigerian foreign policy, their evolution - success and failures, during the 50 year's existence of independent Nigeria. First chapter determinates the principles and goals, which more or less apply for each and every Nigerian government, militaristic and civil as well. Remaining three chapters describe and analyze the development of Nigeria's external relations in the three contexts of Nigeria's international interaction: domestic, regional and external.

The aim of this candidate essay is to analyze the Swedish County Administrative Boards assignment documents and point out the differences that has occurred during the years 2003-2017. It will also analyze how the role and power has changed after the decentralization when the Regional Federation took responsibility for the regional development. Will the County Adminitrative Board still be a powerful part in the region or is the game over?   The metod used is called ”the constant comparative method” where there is an analyzing process going on all the time during the investigation until the final reduction is ready.     Interesting findings:   The County Administrative board has lost several important assignments.   Its main role is not to make decisions but to coordinate in the Regional Federation and to pinpoint the goverments politics and monitoring.   Now a knowledge authority with many new assignments that are global, such as Agenda 2030, climate change, sustainability and refugee questions.   The goverment have decentralized many assignments to the regional level.

Foreign policy of Turkey has undergone many changes in the past ten years, during the reign of the political party called Party of justice and development. Original orientation to European Union while neglecting relations with the countries of the Near East has changed. Nowadays, Turkey is an ambitious state which wants to play an important role not only in its immediate surroundings. Foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu aims his foreign policy to keep contact with partners from the NATO but he also tries to stay independent in decisions in order to expand into other markets. Trade policy and cultural exchange are the key means of the development of Turkey with a goal of becoming regional power. At present it is not possible to fulfil zero problems policy with neighbours with regard to the situation in Syria or disagreements in settlement of Iranian nuclear program. We can observe progress in relation with Russia and China up to the level of strategic partnership. Considering wide range of Turkish foreign policy, the goal of this work was to evaluate whether Turkey, in relation to other states, is a regional power these days. The means of evaluation were creating characteristics of a regional power and analysis of current Turkish foreign policy.

This diploma thesis deals with the relationship between two regional powers in the Middle East - Iran and Saudi Arabia. Middle East is a conflict-prone region with a delicate balance of power. We work with the assumption that a specific combination of internal and external factors caused the rise of Iran as a regional power. The balance of power in the Middle East has thus changed and Iran has started to pose a threat to Saudi Arabia that needs to be balanced. First, we analyze the theoretical concepts of power and region in international relations and subsequently we propose a definition of a regional power. The theory of balance of threat by Stephen M. Walt is used as a framework for the analysis of the Iranian threat. Last chapter of this thesis is devoted to three case studies. Here, we analytically describe particular examples of Iranian threat and its balancing by Saudi Arabia in Bahrain, Yemen and Lebanon.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / The dynamics in U.S.-Turkey relations in both 1964 and 2003 continued to be between a large global power and a medium regional power in the framework of a global threat that required regional cooperation. In both cases the priority of the global power was the fight against the global threat and this created expectations from the medium power ally in the region, who -in both cases- had its own reservations about the issue, considering its own national interests. The analysis of the 1964 Crisis shows that both U.S. and Turkey would have five main sources of influence over their foreign policy decisions leading to disagreement in 1964: the dynamics in the U.S. Turkish relations as one between a global power and a regional partner; domestic concerns of both countries; unaligned goals of the two parties; the international circumstances; and the influence of signaling failures and previous interactions. When we analyze the 2003 Crisis in light of these findings we see that all the main issues seem to be consistently relevant, though their effects might have changed slightly. Overall, both cases reveal that the above-mentioned five factors determine the outcome of interactions between large global powers and medium powers in the region. / 1st Lieutenant, Turkish Army

Este estudo busca compreender a importância da fiscalidade colonial enquanto lócus privilegiado para a análise da construção e o desenvolvimento do poder regional na América portuguesa no longo século XVIII. Escolheu-se a capitania periférica de São Paulo como objeto principal de investigação, uma região marcada por um menor desenvolvimento econômico e por pesados encargos militares. Neste estudo, o poder regional é entendido em sua dupla dimensão estatal, a construção de uma esfera de governo na capitania, e privada, a formação de uma elite colonial propriamente regional. Esta análise considerou aspectos informais (redes) e formais (instituições), bem como dimensões cognitivas expressas por distintas culturas fiscais. Foram privilegiados três eixos de investigação: os processos de negociação fiscal, as instituições de administração fazendária e a arrematação dos contratos. Adotando-se um ponto de vista complementar e intermediário das diferentes posições no debate contemporâneo sobre o governo político na América portuguesa, a preocupação principal voltou-se para os diferentes arranjos, com conflitos e negociações, entre a Coroa portuguesa e as elites mercantis do reino e dos domínios. Entre as principais conclusões observa-se que a formação do poder regional seria marcada por dificuldades e limitações na primeira metade do século XVIII, pela construção efetiva de configurações relativamente estáveis durante o reinado absolutista de d. José I e pelo surgimento de tensões na década de 1790, decorrentes de pressões vindas do centro e dos poderes locais subjacentes. / This study aims to understand the importance of colonial fiscality as an opportune place to analyze the building and the development of the regional powers in Portuguese America in the long Eighteenth century. The peripheral captaincy of São Paulo, burdened by heavy military expenses and a lower economic importance, was chosen as the core research object. In this study, the regional power is understood in its double dimension. One side relates to the government with the construction of a state sphere in the captaincy. The other side is private, the formation of a regional colonial elite. The analysis considered informal (networks) and formal aspects (institutions) as well as cognitive dimensions expressed by different fiscal cultures. Three axis of research were highlighted: the processes of fiscal negotiation, the Treasury administration institutions and the leasing of tax contracts. The thesis supported a complementary and intermediary point of view about the different arguments in the current debate on the political government in Portuguese America. The main concern was to study the different dealings between the Portuguese Crown and the kingdom and colonial elites. These arrangements involved conflicts and negotiations. In the conclusion, it is observed that the formation of regional power was marked by difficulties and restrictions in the first half of Eighteenth century, by an effective construction of relatively stable configurations in the absolutist government of d. José I and by the awakening of tensions in the decade of 1790 provoked by central and local powers.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a geopolítica da Turquia após as transformações que alteraram o ambiente geopolítico em escala mundial. Desde a fundação da República da Turquia, Ancara tem desenvolvido relações preferenciais com o Ocidente, implementando diversas adaptações políticas, sociais e econômicas a fim de superar definitivamente o legado otomano e se ajustar às exigências do mundo ocidental. Durante a Guerra Fria, a Turquia passou a integrar a Aliança Transatlântica e serviu como elemento de contenção da União Soviética. Entretanto, o fim do mundo bipolar reduziu a importância da Turquia para a ampla estratégia de contenção americana, trazendo a necessidade de novos argumentos para manter o seu peso estratégico. Ao mesmo tempo, surgiram novas oportunidades para Ancara, especialmente quanto ao desenvolvimento de relações econômicas e culturais com os Estados independentes da ex-União Soviética. Os atentados de 11 de setembro e a reação norte-americana colocaram a Turquia novamente no centro da política americana como exemplo de compatibilidade entre o Islã e a modernidade ocidental e no combate ao terrorismo. Diversas interpretações do espaço geopolítico mundial destacam a importância da Turquia, desde sua importância estratégico-militar até seu papel como interlocutora entre o Ocidente e o mundo muçulmano, dentro de uma sugestão de choque entre as civilizações. Apesar disso, a Turquia ainda enfrenta sérios desafios externos em todas as direções, entrelaçados com seus problemas internos que, por muitas vezes, ultrapassam suas fronteiras e se tornam assuntos transnacionais. / The aim of this research is to evaluate Turkey\'s Geopolitics after the tectonic forces that reshaped the balance of power and the geopolitcs at a world level. Since its foundation after the Ottoman Empire break up in the years immediately following World War I, Ankara started to adapt itself in Western structures, such as NATO. The collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe, raised some doubts about Turkey\'s importance to the West. However, the aftershocks at the beginning of the twenty-first century and the War on Terrorism launched by the US and its allies, pushed Turkey from the Western periphery to the very center of world politics, thrusting Turkey into an increasingly role in the Middle East, the Southeastern Europe, and Caucasus/ Central Asia. In addition, its geopolitcal position interpreted by some scholars reinforced its strategic and, at some extend, crucial position to the West and to the system evolution. At the same time, Turkey\'s aspiration to become a member of the European Union, its ethnic, linguistic and religious affinities to the Turkic republics combined with the energy resources issues eastwards and its security concerns in the Middle East, reveal the complexity and the challenges facing Turkey.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a geopolítica da Turquia após as transformações que alteraram o ambiente geopolítico em escala mundial. Desde a fundação da República da Turquia, Ancara tem desenvolvido relações preferenciais com o Ocidente, implementando diversas adaptações políticas, sociais e econômicas a fim de superar definitivamente o legado otomano e se ajustar às exigências do mundo ocidental. Durante a Guerra Fria, a Turquia passou a integrar a Aliança Transatlântica e serviu como elemento de contenção da União Soviética. Entretanto, o fim do mundo bipolar reduziu a importância da Turquia para a ampla estratégia de contenção americana, trazendo a necessidade de novos argumentos para manter o seu peso estratégico. Ao mesmo tempo, surgiram novas oportunidades para Ancara, especialmente quanto ao desenvolvimento de relações econômicas e culturais com os Estados independentes da ex-União Soviética. Os atentados de 11 de setembro e a reação norte-americana colocaram a Turquia novamente no centro da política americana como exemplo de compatibilidade entre o Islã e a modernidade ocidental e no combate ao terrorismo. Diversas interpretações do espaço geopolítico mundial destacam a importância da Turquia, desde sua importância estratégico-militar até seu papel como interlocutora entre o Ocidente e o mundo muçulmano, dentro de uma sugestão de choque entre as civilizações. Apesar disso, a Turquia ainda enfrenta sérios desafios externos em todas as direções, entrelaçados com seus problemas internos que, por muitas vezes, ultrapassam suas fronteiras e se tornam assuntos transnacionais. / The aim of this research is to evaluate Turkey\'s Geopolitics after the tectonic forces that reshaped the balance of power and the geopolitcs at a world level. Since its foundation after the Ottoman Empire break up in the years immediately following World War I, Ankara started to adapt itself in Western structures, such as NATO. The collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe, raised some doubts about Turkey\'s importance to the West. However, the aftershocks at the beginning of the twenty-first century and the War on Terrorism launched by the US and its allies, pushed Turkey from the Western periphery to the very center of world politics, thrusting Turkey into an increasingly role in the Middle East, the Southeastern Europe, and Caucasus/ Central Asia. In addition, its geopolitcal position interpreted by some scholars reinforced its strategic and, at some extend, crucial position to the West and to the system evolution. At the same time, Turkey\'s aspiration to become a member of the European Union, its ethnic, linguistic and religious affinities to the Turkic republics combined with the energy resources issues eastwards and its security concerns in the Middle East, reveal the complexity and the challenges facing Turkey.

Este estudo busca compreender a importância da fiscalidade colonial enquanto lócus privilegiado para a análise da construção e o desenvolvimento do poder regional na América portuguesa no longo século XVIII. Escolheu-se a capitania periférica de São Paulo como objeto principal de investigação, uma região marcada por um menor desenvolvimento econômico e por pesados encargos militares. Neste estudo, o poder regional é entendido em sua dupla dimensão estatal, a construção de uma esfera de governo na capitania, e privada, a formação de uma elite colonial propriamente regional. Esta análise considerou aspectos informais (redes) e formais (instituições), bem como dimensões cognitivas expressas por distintas culturas fiscais. Foram privilegiados três eixos de investigação: os processos de negociação fiscal, as instituições de administração fazendária e a arrematação dos contratos. Adotando-se um ponto de vista complementar e intermediário das diferentes posições no debate contemporâneo sobre o governo político na América portuguesa, a preocupação principal voltou-se para os diferentes arranjos, com conflitos e negociações, entre a Coroa portuguesa e as elites mercantis do reino e dos domínios. Entre as principais conclusões observa-se que a formação do poder regional seria marcada por dificuldades e limitações na primeira metade do século XVIII, pela construção efetiva de configurações relativamente estáveis durante o reinado absolutista de d. José I e pelo surgimento de tensões na década de 1790, decorrentes de pressões vindas do centro e dos poderes locais subjacentes. / This study aims to understand the importance of colonial fiscality as an opportune place to analyze the building and the development of the regional powers in Portuguese America in the long Eighteenth century. The peripheral captaincy of São Paulo, burdened by heavy military expenses and a lower economic importance, was chosen as the core research object. In this study, the regional power is understood in its double dimension. One side relates to the government with the construction of a state sphere in the captaincy. The other side is private, the formation of a regional colonial elite. The analysis considered informal (networks) and formal aspects (institutions) as well as cognitive dimensions expressed by different fiscal cultures. Three axis of research were highlighted: the processes of fiscal negotiation, the Treasury administration institutions and the leasing of tax contracts. The thesis supported a complementary and intermediary point of view about the different arguments in the current debate on the political government in Portuguese America. The main concern was to study the different dealings between the Portuguese Crown and the kingdom and colonial elites. These arrangements involved conflicts and negotiations. In the conclusion, it is observed that the formation of regional power was marked by difficulties and restrictions in the first half of Eighteenth century, by an effective construction of relatively stable configurations in the absolutist government of d. José I and by the awakening of tensions in the decade of 1790 provoked by central and local powers.