This study examines how the credentialing process for foreign-trained engineers implemented by the Professional Engineers of Ontario (PEO) affects newcomers from the former Soviet Union and Russia seeking to re-enter the profession. Applying critical sociological theory to its analysis of data generated through qualitative methods, it highlights how the ethnic, racial, and educational background of applicants shapes their encounters with the PEO and the outcome of their applications. It sheds light on the crises of identity and in social and family relations experienced by these individuals, as well as the lack of supporting services to address such crises. This study contributes to existing literature on the subject by taking a new approach to the credentialing of foreign-trained engineers in Ontario, focusing on the perspective of individual applicants rather than structural factors. It concludes with specific recommendations on how the process could be improved and the regulatory body itself reformed.

This study examines how the credentialing process for foreign-trained engineers implemented by the Professional Engineers of Ontario (PEO) affects newcomers from the former Soviet Union and Russia seeking to re-enter the profession. Applying critical sociological theory to its analysis of data generated through qualitative methods, it highlights how the ethnic, racial, and educational background of applicants shapes their encounters with the PEO and the outcome of their applications. It sheds light on the crises of identity and in social and family relations experienced by these individuals, as well as the lack of supporting services to address such crises. This study contributes to existing literature on the subject by taking a new approach to the credentialing of foreign-trained engineers in Ontario, focusing on the perspective of individual applicants rather than structural factors. It concludes with specific recommendations on how the process could be improved and the regulatory body itself reformed.

Dans le cadre d’une sociologie des organisations portant sur les liens entre organisations télévisuelles et environnement, la présente thèse a pour objectif de cerner les modalités du développement récent de la télévision au Québec en le comparant à celui de la Belgique francophone et de la Suisse. Une telle comparaison repose sur un principe méthodologique simple: on cerne d’autant mieux la réalité que l’on étudie si on peut la comparer à une réalité équivalente d’autres sociétés. En s’appuyant sur des théories de développement organisationnel reliées au courant néo-fonctionnaliste et en adaptant des « histoires de cas » d’études organisationnelles à la réalité télévisuelle des années 90 et 2000, le chercheur a mis au point une grille de classification des données permettant d’étudier les composantes du développement de la télévision dans trois « petites » sociétés industrialisées. Dans un premier temps, il a pu constater une augmentation très importante du nombre de chaînes de télévision par rapport à ce qu’il était dans les années 50 à 70, le tout encadré par les autorités réglementaires en place. Par la suite, dans chacune de ces trois sociétés et sur une période de vingt-cinq ans, il a pu préciser les interactions et échanges entre organisations télévisuelles et environnement lesquels ont été, selon les cas, harmonieux, difficiles, voire même conflictuels. Après avoir comparé les modalités d’une telle augmentation entre les trois sociétés, le chercheur a pu constater une convergence de surface. On note bien quelques similitudes entre les trois sociétés, mais, surtout, chacune d’entre elles est restée sur son quant-à-soi. En Suisse, l’importance accordée au consensus social a favorisé un développement équilibré de l’augmentation des chaines. En Belgique, pays aux divisions profondes constamment réaffirmées, les oppositions ont permis, malgré tout, l’édification d’un ensemble audiovisuel relativement stable. Au Québec, avec une augmentation exponentielle du nombre de chaines, on a assisté à un véritable surdéveloppement de la télévision encouragé et planifié par les autorités gouvernementales canadiennes en réaction à un supposé envahissement culturel américain. Le CRTC, la régie des ondes canadiennes, a pesé de tout son poids pour favoriser l’augmentation du contenu canadien et de la production locale. Par ailleurs, cette augmentation s’est faite avec des ressources limitées. On en fait trop avec trop peu. C’est ce qui permettrait d’expliquer la baisse de qualité de la télévision québécoise contemporaine. Comme élément de solution aux problèmes que la télévision québécoise connait présentement, il faudrait considérer cette dernière pour ce qu’elle est véritablement: une petite télévision dans un univers industriellement hautement développé. Si une telle conception est très bien acceptée aussi bien en Belgique qu’en Suisse, elle ne l’est pas au Québec / The following thesis is an organizational analysis of the recent development of television in Switzerland, French Belgium and Québec. The main interactions between different television organisations of these three societies are studied to understand how each of them coped with the very important increase of television channels that most of the industrialized countries have encountered in the last twenty-five years or so. This organizational study is based upon the following principle: one may more easily grasp the specifics of a given society when it is compared to similar specifics of other societies. By considering the development of television as a social itinerary in each of these three societies, it becomes possible to see how values, interests, coalitions as well as conflicts played a vital role in a new multi-channels television environment. In so doing, the inevitable comparison between Canadian and American television so often made in Canada is avoided. The gap is so big between these two countries that, for once, it is worth using units of comparisons of about the same size. At the end of this study, it becomes clear that regulatory bodies in each of the three societies set out policies and guidelines to strongly encourage more existing television channels. Accordingly, a certain convergence between these three societies does exist and the popular belief that a given market was left to itself in a new television environment cannot be no longer sustained. However, if there are some elements of convergence, elements of divergence are much more important. In Switzerland, the increase of television channels was made in an orderly manner since consensus between all kinds of organizations is a vital part of Swiss way of life. In Belgium, since conflicts are the fundamentals of the everyday life among political parties, cultural and linguistic communities, oppositions remained very important in this increase of television channels. However, one must recognize as an end result that, surprisingly, the whole television environment stays rather stable. Québec had a development of its own. CRTC, the Canadian regulatory body, is mainly responsible for an overdevelopment of Québec television since the television environment in Québec counts a surprisingly high number of television channels for such a small industrialized society. The whole thing was deliberately planned by CRTC as an answer to an everlasting Canadian fear: an American cultural invasion, a “danger” that yet has to be proven. However, this overdevelopment of television did not come with increased resources to support so many television channels. Québec television offers too much with too little. This might explain a certain loss of quality observed in Québec television over the recent years. Things would probably be much easier if, for once, Québec television was considered for what it is: a small television in a highly developed and industrialized world. If that kind of consideration goes without saying in Switzerland and Belgium, it still is not the case in Québec.

In public policies, agents are part of an emergent and complex context, reason for which their actions should not be examined in isolation. The state of an agent is influenced by the state of others, in an environment where feedback is continuous and full of interactions. These characteristics result in a system where the total is more unpredictable and dazzling than the mere sum of its parts. As a result, there are a growing number of studies that use typical methods of complex systems to analyze public policies in various areas, such as healthcare, education, crime prevention, energy resources and others. Moreover, such distinct approach allows for more accessible investigations of public policy models, including policies that were not evaluated ex ante from the traditional lenses. This research had two main objectives: to verify how complex systems apply to the context of public policies theoretically and to present a practical application of a model, which was built based upon a case study. Since there is not a clear comprehension on how complex systems could benefit policy makers, this study presents, in its first part, a systematic literature review including some existing applications and the benefits of complexity science in the policy arena. On the whole, it can be asserted that there is a strong consensus that complex systems can be highly beneficial for policy makers and, consequently, for the overall population. Researchers perceive different benefits, such as the opportunity of testing policies a priori, the possibility of comparing different policies for the same topic, and the contemplation of new ideas and insights for better policy formulation. Although there are several simulations and models proposed for public policies in several areas, it lacks an empirical demonstration that effectively proves the benefits of applying complex systems in public policies, i.e., apparently, there are obstacles that prevent such models from having effects in the real world. In this way, the second part of the research presents an agent-based model that can be applied empirically in a government agency: a regulatory body. Such model allows policy makers to compare different enforcement strategies and anticipate side effects that would be difficult to predict without the use of simulations. In this sense, the objective of the second part of this research was to build an agent-based model of a public policy and for which a practical implementation could be carried out. Therefore, a public policy from a professional regulatory board in the healthcare area was chosen, for which two different strategies were tested, with the objective of comparing their efficiency and effectiveness. Such strategies were modeled and simulated with the use of Netlogo software with different scenarios. Results indicate that agent based models can serve as predictive tools for comparing and improving inspection strategies, and also as source of insights for anticipating unintended consequences that would hardly be noticed ex ante without the use of simulation tools / Em políticas públicas, as ações dos agentes envolvidos não podem ser analisadas de forma isolada. O estado de um agente é influenciado pelo estado dos demais, num ambiente em que o feedback é contínuo e repleto de interações. Essas características resultam num sistema onde o total é mais imprevisível e deslumbrante do que a mera soma de suas partes. Com isso, há um crescente número de estudos que utilizam métodos típicos de sistemas complexos para analisar políticas públicas de diversas áreas, como saúde pública, educação, segurança, recursos energéticos e outros. Além disso, essa forma diferente de abordagem permite que alguns modelos de políticas públicas sejam investigados com mais facilidade, incluindo políticas que sequer eram analisadas pelo prisma tradicional. Esta pesquisa teve dois objetivos principais: verificar como os sistemas complexos se aplicam às políticas públicas no campo teórico e apresentar uma aplicação prática de modelagem dentro do contexto de um estudo de caso. Como ainda não há um entendimento sistematizado sobre como sistemas complexos podem ser úteis em políticas públicas, este estudo apresenta, em sua primeira parte, uma revisão sistemática de literatura para uma melhor compreensão de como essas aplicações ocorrem e de quais benefícios essa ciência, de fato, pode trazer. Em decorrência desse estudo, pode-se afirmar que há consenso, na literatura, de que a teoria da complexidade é benéfica para formuladores de políticas e, consequentemente, para a população em geral. Tais benefícios são vistos de diversas formas pelos pesquisadores, como, por exemplo, a possibilidade de se testar políticas a priori, a possibilidade de se comparar diversos tipos de políticas para um mesmo problema e a obtenção de novas perspectivas e ideias para formulação de políticas. Apesar de haver diversas simulações e modelos propostos para políticas públicas em diversas áreas, não foi constatada uma demonstração empírica que comprove efetivamente o benefício de se aplicar sistemas complexos em políticas públicas, ou seja, aparentemente há obstáculos que impedem esses modelos terem efeitos nas políticas de facto. Dessa maneira, o objetivo da segunda parte da pesquisa foi o de construir um modelo baseado em agentes relacionado a uma política pública e cuja implementação prática fosse factível. Assim, foi selecionada uma política relacionada a um órgão público de fiscalização do exercício profissional (conselho de classe), especificamente na área da saúde, para a qual foram traçadas duas estratégias diferentes, com o objetivo de compará-las em termos de eficácia e de efetividade. Essas estratégias foram modeladas e simuladas em software específico de modelos baseados em agentes para análise dos resultados considerando diversos cenários possíveis. Os resultados indicam que os modelos baseados em agentes podem auxiliar o formulador de políticas a comparar diferentes estratégias de fiscalização e antecipar efeitos colaterais que dificilmente seriam constatados ex ante sem a utilização de simulações

Submitted by Joana Azevedo (joanad@id.uff.br) on 2017-08-19T19:13:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert Sandra Regina C Lavalle Heilbron.pdf: 2336761 bytes, checksum: 42d01f8f13cf3a5977209bd5fe4f1634 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Biblioteca da Escola de Engenharia (bee@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-08-24T12:29:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert Sandra Regina C Lavalle Heilbron.pdf: 2336761 bytes, checksum: 42d01f8f13cf3a5977209bd5fe4f1634 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-24T12:29:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert Sandra Regina C Lavalle Heilbron.pdf: 2336761 bytes, checksum: 42d01f8f13cf3a5977209bd5fe4f1634 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-07 / Na década de cinquenta foi criada a Comissão Nacional de Energia Nuclear (CNEN), uma Autarquia Federal que, desmembrada do CNPq, surgiu com os objetivos principais de desenvolver a energia nuclear e suas aplicações, bem como controlar a área nuclear do país, garantindo a sua segurança. A importância da criação de uma agência regulatória independente para o setor nuclear, ou seja, a separação das atividades da CNEN voltadas à segurança das atividades voltadas ao desenvolvimento e pesquisa básica não regulatória é muito antiga e sempre foi um tema debatido pela comunidade científica. Atualmente este tema ganhou novamente força e iniciou-se a elaboração de uma minuta de projeto de Lei para a criação de uma agência reguladora independente do setor nuclear, que se encontra em avaliação no Ministério de Ciência, Tecnologia, Inovações e Comunicações (MCTIC). O objetivo deste trabalho foi o de apresentar diretrizes para a criação de uma agência reguladora do setor nuclear realizando uma pesquisa metodológica e aplicada. Essas diretrizes são apresentadas no final do trabalho e foram baseadas em estudos de outras agências reguladoras nacionais e internacionais, nos principais documentos da Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica sobre o assunto (o Brasil é estado-membro junto com cerca de 180 países com programa nuclear). Foi utilizado um questionário distribuído aos servidores da CNEN contendo perguntas relacionadas com uma agência reguladora que ajudou a completar o conjunto de diretrizes propostas. Como resultado deste trabalho, são apresentadas dezessete recomendações/diretrizes principais para a criação de uma agência nuclear no Brasil. / In the fifties the Brazilian Nuclear Energy Commission (CNEN) a Federal autarchy, was created from part of the CNPq, with the main objectives to develop the nuclear energy and its application and at the same time, to control and guarantee the safety of the nuclear area in the country. The importance of creating an independent regulatory agency for the nuclear industry, that is the separation of the CNEN activities related to the safety from the activities related to the development of the nuclear energy including the basic research is very old and has always been a topic of discussion by the scientific community. Today this topic gained importance again and an initial law draft proposal for the creation of an independent nuclear regulatory agency was made and is currently in Ministry of Science, Technology, Innovation and Communications for evaluation. The objective of this study was to present guidelines for the creation of an independent nuclear regulatory agency using a methodological and applied research. These guidelines are presented at the end of this document and were based on studies of other national and international regulatory agencies existing in the world, based on the main International Atomic Energy Agency documents about the topic (Brazil is a member-state together with approximately 180 countries with nuclear programs). It was also used a questionnaire distributed to some CNEN workers with a series of questions related to a nuclear agency that helps the complement the set of guidelines proposed. As consequence of this work seventeen main recommendations/guidelines for the creation of a nuclear regulatory agency in Brazil.

In public policies, agents are part of an emergent and complex context, reason for which their actions should not be examined in isolation. The state of an agent is influenced by the state of others, in an environment where feedback is continuous and full of interactions. These characteristics result in a system where the total is more unpredictable and dazzling than the mere sum of its parts. As a result, there are a growing number of studies that use typical methods of complex systems to analyze public policies in various areas, such as healthcare, education, crime prevention, energy resources and others. Moreover, such distinct approach allows for more accessible investigations of public policy models, including policies that were not evaluated ex ante from the traditional lenses. This research had two main objectives: to verify how complex systems apply to the context of public policies theoretically and to present a practical application of a model, which was built based upon a case study. Since there is not a clear comprehension on how complex systems could benefit policy makers, this study presents, in its first part, a systematic literature review including some existing applications and the benefits of complexity science in the policy arena. On the whole, it can be asserted that there is a strong consensus that complex systems can be highly beneficial for policy makers and, consequently, for the overall population. Researchers perceive different benefits, such as the opportunity of testing policies a priori, the possibility of comparing different policies for the same topic, and the contemplation of new ideas and insights for better policy formulation. Although there are several simulations and models proposed for public policies in several areas, it lacks an empirical demonstration that effectively proves the benefits of applying complex systems in public policies, i.e., apparently, there are obstacles that prevent such models from having effects in the real world. In this way, the second part of the research presents an agent-based model that can be applied empirically in a government agency: a regulatory body. Such model allows policy makers to compare different enforcement strategies and anticipate side effects that would be difficult to predict without the use of simulations. In this sense, the objective of the second part of this research was to build an agent-based model of a public policy and for which a practical implementation could be carried out. Therefore, a public policy from a professional regulatory board in the healthcare area was chosen, for which two different strategies were tested, with the objective of comparing their efficiency and effectiveness. Such strategies were modeled and simulated with the use of Netlogo software with different scenarios. Results indicate that agent based models can serve as predictive tools for comparing and improving inspection strategies, and also as source of insights for anticipating unintended consequences that would hardly be noticed ex ante without the use of simulation tools / Em políticas públicas, as ações dos agentes envolvidos não podem ser analisadas de forma isolada. O estado de um agente é influenciado pelo estado dos demais, num ambiente em que o feedback é contínuo e repleto de interações. Essas características resultam num sistema onde o total é mais imprevisível e deslumbrante do que a mera soma de suas partes. Com isso, há um crescente número de estudos que utilizam métodos típicos de sistemas complexos para analisar políticas públicas de diversas áreas, como saúde pública, educação, segurança, recursos energéticos e outros. Além disso, essa forma diferente de abordagem permite que alguns modelos de políticas públicas sejam investigados com mais facilidade, incluindo políticas que sequer eram analisadas pelo prisma tradicional. Esta pesquisa teve dois objetivos principais: verificar como os sistemas complexos se aplicam às políticas públicas no campo teórico e apresentar uma aplicação prática de modelagem dentro do contexto de um estudo de caso. Como ainda não há um entendimento sistematizado sobre como sistemas complexos podem ser úteis em políticas públicas, este estudo apresenta, em sua primeira parte, uma revisão sistemática de literatura para uma melhor compreensão de como essas aplicações ocorrem e de quais benefícios essa ciência, de fato, pode trazer. Em decorrência desse estudo, pode-se afirmar que há consenso, na literatura, de que a teoria da complexidade é benéfica para formuladores de políticas e, consequentemente, para a população em geral. Tais benefícios são vistos de diversas formas pelos pesquisadores, como, por exemplo, a possibilidade de se testar políticas a priori, a possibilidade de se comparar diversos tipos de políticas para um mesmo problema e a obtenção de novas perspectivas e ideias para formulação de políticas. Apesar de haver diversas simulações e modelos propostos para políticas públicas em diversas áreas, não foi constatada uma demonstração empírica que comprove efetivamente o benefício de se aplicar sistemas complexos em políticas públicas, ou seja, aparentemente há obstáculos que impedem esses modelos terem efeitos nas políticas de facto. Dessa maneira, o objetivo da segunda parte da pesquisa foi o de construir um modelo baseado em agentes relacionado a uma política pública e cuja implementação prática fosse factível. Assim, foi selecionada uma política relacionada a um órgão público de fiscalização do exercício profissional (conselho de classe), especificamente na área da saúde, para a qual foram traçadas duas estratégias diferentes, com o objetivo de compará-las em termos de eficácia e de efetividade. Essas estratégias foram modeladas e simuladas em software específico de modelos baseados em agentes para análise dos resultados considerando diversos cenários possíveis. Os resultados indicam que os modelos baseados em agentes podem auxiliar o formulador de políticas a comparar diferentes estratégias de fiscalização e antecipar efeitos colaterais que dificilmente seriam constatados ex ante sem a utilização de simulações

Dans le cadre d’une sociologie des organisations portant sur les liens entre organisations télévisuelles et environnement, la présente thèse a pour objectif de cerner les modalités du développement récent de la télévision au Québec en le comparant à celui de la Belgique francophone et de la Suisse. Une telle comparaison repose sur un principe méthodologique simple: on cerne d’autant mieux la réalité que l’on étudie si on peut la comparer à une réalité équivalente d’autres sociétés. En s’appuyant sur des théories de développement organisationnel reliées au courant néo-fonctionnaliste et en adaptant des « histoires de cas » d’études organisationnelles à la réalité télévisuelle des années 90 et 2000, le chercheur a mis au point une grille de classification des données permettant d’étudier les composantes du développement de la télévision dans trois « petites » sociétés industrialisées. Dans un premier temps, il a pu constater une augmentation très importante du nombre de chaînes de télévision par rapport à ce qu’il était dans les années 50 à 70, le tout encadré par les autorités réglementaires en place. Par la suite, dans chacune de ces trois sociétés et sur une période de vingt-cinq ans, il a pu préciser les interactions et échanges entre organisations télévisuelles et environnement lesquels ont été, selon les cas, harmonieux, difficiles, voire même conflictuels. Après avoir comparé les modalités d’une telle augmentation entre les trois sociétés, le chercheur a pu constater une convergence de surface. On note bien quelques similitudes entre les trois sociétés, mais, surtout, chacune d’entre elles est restée sur son quant-à-soi. En Suisse, l’importance accordée au consensus social a favorisé un développement équilibré de l’augmentation des chaines. En Belgique, pays aux divisions profondes constamment réaffirmées, les oppositions ont permis, malgré tout, l’édification d’un ensemble audiovisuel relativement stable. Au Québec, avec une augmentation exponentielle du nombre de chaines, on a assisté à un véritable surdéveloppement de la télévision encouragé et planifié par les autorités gouvernementales canadiennes en réaction à un supposé envahissement culturel américain. Le CRTC, la régie des ondes canadiennes, a pesé de tout son poids pour favoriser l’augmentation du contenu canadien et de la production locale. Par ailleurs, cette augmentation s’est faite avec des ressources limitées. On en fait trop avec trop peu. C’est ce qui permettrait d’expliquer la baisse de qualité de la télévision québécoise contemporaine. Comme élément de solution aux problèmes que la télévision québécoise connait présentement, il faudrait considérer cette dernière pour ce qu’elle est véritablement: une petite télévision dans un univers industriellement hautement développé. Si une telle conception est très bien acceptée aussi bien en Belgique qu’en Suisse, elle ne l’est pas au Québec / The following thesis is an organizational analysis of the recent development of television in Switzerland, French Belgium and Québec. The main interactions between different television organisations of these three societies are studied to understand how each of them coped with the very important increase of television channels that most of the industrialized countries have encountered in the last twenty-five years or so. This organizational study is based upon the following principle: one may more easily grasp the specifics of a given society when it is compared to similar specifics of other societies. By considering the development of television as a social itinerary in each of these three societies, it becomes possible to see how values, interests, coalitions as well as conflicts played a vital role in a new multi-channels television environment. In so doing, the inevitable comparison between Canadian and American television so often made in Canada is avoided. The gap is so big between these two countries that, for once, it is worth using units of comparisons of about the same size. At the end of this study, it becomes clear that regulatory bodies in each of the three societies set out policies and guidelines to strongly encourage more existing television channels. Accordingly, a certain convergence between these three societies does exist and the popular belief that a given market was left to itself in a new television environment cannot be no longer sustained. However, if there are some elements of convergence, elements of divergence are much more important. In Switzerland, the increase of television channels was made in an orderly manner since consensus between all kinds of organizations is a vital part of Swiss way of life. In Belgium, since conflicts are the fundamentals of the everyday life among political parties, cultural and linguistic communities, oppositions remained very important in this increase of television channels. However, one must recognize as an end result that, surprisingly, the whole television environment stays rather stable. Québec had a development of its own. CRTC, the Canadian regulatory body, is mainly responsible for an overdevelopment of Québec television since the television environment in Québec counts a surprisingly high number of television channels for such a small industrialized society. The whole thing was deliberately planned by CRTC as an answer to an everlasting Canadian fear: an American cultural invasion, a “danger” that yet has to be proven. However, this overdevelopment of television did not come with increased resources to support so many television channels. Québec television offers too much with too little. This might explain a certain loss of quality observed in Québec television over the recent years. Things would probably be much easier if, for once, Québec television was considered for what it is: a small television in a highly developed and industrialized world. If that kind of consideration goes without saying in Switzerland and Belgium, it still is not the case in Québec.

The Mexican energy reform in December 2013 has represented a radical change in the structure of the sector, which has grown from a public monopoly to a competitive market. This article aims to analyze the attributions and the legal and administrative nature which has be granted to the Energy Regulatory Commission (CRE) after the normative change that will play a key role in the correct implementation thereof. The nodal problem is to confirm if the CRE has being given the correct legal instruments to develop its function autonomously and transparently. / La reforma energética mexicana de diciembre de 2013 ha representado un cambio radical en la estructuración del sector, el cual ha pasado de ser un monopolio público a un mercado de libre competencia. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar las atribuciones y la naturaleza jurídico administrativa que se ha concedido a la Comisión Reguladora de Energía (CRE) tras el cambio normativo, dado que este, en calidad de organismo regulador del sector, tendrá un rol fundamental en la correcta implementación de la misma. El problema nodal de la cuestión reside en corroborar si se ha dotado a la CRE de los correctos instrumentos jurídicospara desenvolver su función de forma autónoma y transparente.

Le 11 mars 2011, le Japon a subi un séisme suivi d’un tsunami aux conséquences terribles. Dans la centrale de Fukushima Dai-ichi s’est produit un accident nucléaire de niveau 7 (le plus élevé) sur l’échelle internationale, qui a marqué les esprits comme celui de Tchernobyl en 1986. Cet accident a laissé le monde en émoi face à ces nouvelles formes de menaces, d’autant que l’exploitant TEPCO n’a pas su maitriser la situation ni tirer les leçons du passé. Depuis Fukushima, l’échelle des fondamentaux en Europe et dans le monde a donc été bouleversée et la question de la sûreté et de la sécurité des centrales se pose avec une acuité renforcée, qui a nécessité de redéfinir en droit et en pratique certaines normes et principes au niveau national, européen et international en concordance avec ces nouvelles menaces extérieures, vers le plus haut niveau de sûreté. Mais les révisions entreprises nécessitent d’être plus ambitieuses. L’avenir du nucléaire implique dès lors : au niveau européen, une révision plus ambitieuse de la directive sûreté; la mise en place d’une autorité de réglementation indépendante de jure ; la définition d’un droit de la responsabilité civile harmonisé au sein de l’UE en faveur des victimes dans l’hypothèse d’un accident. Au niveau international, la gouvernance s’impose comme étant le vecteur d’une commune culture de sûreté et de sécurité nucléaires ; bien que la diversité des modèles nationaux de gestion et de contrôle de l’industrie nucléaire paraisse rendre a priori difficile l’évolution vers des règles communes. De même au niveau européen, dans ce même esprit, l’écriture d’un texte unique en droit de la réparation des dommages serait nécessaire. La révision de la Convention sûreté nucléaire est également un chantier important pour l’avenir. Dans l’immédiat, l’harmonisation concerne de nombreux domaines dont, pour l’essentiel : la gestion de crise pendant et après un accident nucléaire ; la mise en place des principes de sûreté et de sécurité les plus performants et les plus élevés, de la conception au démantèlement d’une installation ; la maîtrise d’une interaction adaptée entre sûreté et sécurité nucléaires. Il conviendra, par ailleurs, de veiller à l’intégration du public au processus décisionnel dans les domaines du nucléaire, condition nécessaire à l’acceptabilité de cette énergie. / On March 11, 2011, the Japan suffered an earthquake followed by a tsunami to the terrible consequences. In nuclear power plant Fukushima Dai-ichi happened a nuclear accident of level 7 (highest) on the international scale, which marked the spirits such as rivaled that of Chernobyl in 1986. This accident left the world agog with these new forms of threats, especially since the TEPCO operator did not master the situation or learn the lessons of the past. Since Fukushima, the fundamentals in Europe and worldwide has so upset been turned upside-down and this raises the question of safety and security of power plants with renewed acuity, which necessitated. It is imperative to redefine in law and in practice some standards and principles at the national, European and international level in accordance with these new threats to the highest level of safety. But the legal revisions need to be more ambitious. The future of nuclear power suggest therefore: at the European level: a more ambitious revision of the directive on nuclear safety; the establishment of a regulatory body with effective independence de jure ; the definition of a liability law harmonised throughout the EU and the IAEA for victims in the event of an accident. At the international level: the governance is necessary as a vector of a common safety culture and security culture ; although the diversity of national models of management and control of the nuclear industry appears a priori difficult to move towards common rules. As well as at the European level, the writing of a single text entitled to the repair of damages would be necessary for the same reasons already stated. The revision of the Convention on nuclear safety is also as important crucial for the future. For immediate harmonization concerns many fields, for the most part: during and after a nuclear accident crisis management; the implementation of the principles of safety and security at the most efficient and highest level from the conception to the dismantling of an installation; strengthening interaction adapted between nuclear safety and nuclear security ; but also the integration of the population in the decision-making process in the areas of nuclear is mandatory for the acceptance of nuclear energy.