My thesis addresses how Christianity can constitute itself as a creative force and a form of governance across different scales. I carried out 12 months of fieldwork between 2013 and 2015 in Papua New Guinea's National Parliament (Port Moresby). My interlocutors were bureaucrats, liberal professionals and pastors who formed a group known as the Unity Team. The Unity Team, spearheaded by the Speaker of the 9th Parliament, Hon. Theodor Zurenuoc, were responsible for controversial initiatives, such as the destruction and dismantling of traditional carvings from Parliament in 2013, which they considered ungodly and evil, and the placement of a donated KJV Bible in the chamber of Parliament in 2015. My interlocutors regard Christianity as central to eliciting modern subjects and institutions. They consider Christianity to be a universal form of discernment, contrasted to particularistic forms of knowing and relating which are thought to create corruption and low institutional performance. I show how the Unity Team regarded Christianity as more than a way of doing away with satanic forces and building a Christian self. They expected Christianity to be a frame of reference informing work ethics, infusing citizenship and, finally, productive of a public and national realm. By exploring Christianity ethnographically, I offer a contribution to Anthropological discussions concerning politics, bureaucracy, citizenship, and nation-making.

As a nation, there is need for Zimbabwe to deal with its past in order to liberate itself emotionally, socially and economically. Post-colonial Zimbabwe has seen an end to colonial rule but ironically, its over three decades into independence and Zimbabweans are not free. The country is drowning in neo-colonial home grown oppression. Although there is black rule in Zimbabwe, we are seeing emergent black elite who are a minority and the majority poor becoming poorer and poorer. Moreover, for a many years now, there have been many reported political violence cases in Zimbabwe. This study has highlighted that, there are many tragic and unfortunate circumstances of Zimbabwe’s historical experiences that need redressing. Previous studies have tried to generalise issues of justice and reconciliation in Zimbabwe probably because of political fears but this study has tried to unveil these issues. If ever authentic liberation, reconciliation and national healing are to be achieved, there must be an accountability of all criminals. Platforms must be provided for the purposes of telling the truth as what South Africans did through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRCs). In many cases, psychological healing and closure is achieved if victims of political violence are given the platform to narrate their experiences without anyone judging them. A socio-economy-political approach was used in this study in seeing the contribution made by the Heads of Christian Denominations in Zimbabwe in addressing political issues bedevilling the Zimbabwean populace. The study argued from the model that the Church has to be an eye for the blind, a voice for the marginalised and the poor, a guide for the illiterate and a shield for the morally, socially and politically coerced. The Christian community should be in a position to advocate for justice and obedience just like what Amos and other eighth century prophets did in the Old Testament. This is a vital code of social ethics that deals with life and welfare of the world. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Systematic Theology)

This thesis studies sectarianism in New South Wales from 1947 through to 1981. This was a period of intense change in Australian socio-cultural history, as well as in the history of religious cultures, both within Australia and internationally. Sectarianism, traditionally a significant force in Australian socio-cultural life, was significantly affected by the many changes of this period: the religious revival of the 1950s, the rise of ecumenism and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s, as well as postwar mass-immigration, the politics of education, increasing secularism in Australian society and the Goulburn schools closure of 1962, which was both a symptom of the diminishing significance of sectarianism as well as a force that accelerated its demise. While the main study of sectarianism in this thesis ends with the 1981 High Court judgment upholding the constitutionality of state aid to non-government schools, this thesis also traces the lingering significance of sectarianism in Australian society through to the early twenty-first century through oral history and memoir. This thesis offers a contribution to historical understanding of sectarianism, examining the significance of sectarianism as a discursive force in Australian society in the context of social, political and religious cultures of the period. It argues that while the significant social and religious changes of the period eroded the discursive power of sectarianism in Australian society, this does not mean sectarianism simply vanished from Australian society. While sectarianism became increasingly insignificant in mainstream Australian socio-political life in this period, sectarianism -- both as a discourse and ideology -- lingered in social memory and in some religious cultures.

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This thesis studies sectarianism in New South Wales from 1947 through to 1981. This was a period of intense change in Australian socio-cultural history, as well as in the history of religious cultures, both within Australia and internationally. Sectarianism, traditionally a significant force in Australian socio-cultural life, was significantly affected by the many changes of this period: the religious revival of the 1950s, the rise of ecumenism and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s, as well as postwar mass-immigration, the politics of education, increasing secularism in Australian society and the Goulburn schools closure of 1962, which was both a symptom of the diminishing significance of sectarianism as well as a force that accelerated its demise. While the main study of sectarianism in this thesis ends with the 1981 High Court judgment upholding the constitutionality of state aid to non-government schools, this thesis also traces the lingering significance of sectarianism in Australian society through to the early twenty-first century through oral history and memoir. This thesis offers a contribution to historical understanding of sectarianism, examining the significance of sectarianism as a discursive force in Australian society in the context of social, political and religious cultures of the period. It argues that while the significant social and religious changes of the period eroded the discursive power of sectarianism in Australian society, this does not mean sectarianism simply vanished from Australian society. While sectarianism became increasingly insignificant in mainstream Australian socio-political life in this period, sectarianism -- both as a discourse and ideology -- lingered in social memory and in some religious cultures.

The exodus tradition was passed on for posterity among the Jewish descendants about God who delivered their ancestors from bondage in Egypt, who divided the Red Sea waters and provided them with manna in the desert. The exodus tradition motivated them in many problematic situations about "God of their fathers" who delivered them. The modern post-biblical world has drawn some motivation from the exodus liberation motif, namely: Latin America, USA, South Africa, Rhodesia and Zimbabwe, amongst others. The topic: Reading the Exodus Tradition from a Zimbabwean Perspective is necessitated by the Zimbabwean experience of oppression. The function of the exodus tradition during colonialism in Rhodesia is discussed because it forms the nucleus from which Zimbabwe was born. Recently, the Zimbabwean people have been subjected to unjust treatments by the Zimbabwean regime. The function of the exodus tradition in the Zimbabwean situation is explored in chapters five and six, respectively. / Biblical and Ancient studies / M.A. (Biblical Studies)

The author strongly holds- in the thesis- that the Theology of liberation can inspi re the poor of South Africa to uproot the post-1994 socio-economic and political evil structures which continue unabated to impoverish them. The introductory chapter studies the reasons which motivated the author to write the thesis. It further discusses the method, the format and the limitations of the thesis. Chapter one focuses on the author's understanding of the Theology of liberation, and its historical background. Chapter two discusses the relationship between the Theology of Liberation and black theology, while chapter three contemplates on the possibility of the creation of what the author calls, An African Theology of Liberation. Chapter four studies the relationship between the Theology of liberation and the Social Teachings of the Catholic Church as taught by the pope and his council. The study of this relationship is extremely difficult because of the on-going, and seemingly insurmountable ideological differences between the two parties. The author suggests, as a solutio n, that each party seriously considers and recognizes the contextual limitations of its theology. Chapter five focuses on the implementation of the Theology of Liberat ion into the South African situation. The author highly recommends the inclusion of the veneration of the ancestors of Africa, as a perfect instrument by means of which the Theology of Liberation can succeed in achieving one of its major aims, which is to convert the poor to be leaders of their own liberation. The concluding chapter suggests concrete ways through which the Theology of Liberation can be kept alive and relevant within the South African situation. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)

O fio norteador desta dissertação é o confronto entre a Companhia de Jesus e a política centralizadora da metrópole portuguesa no século XVIII, conduzida por Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, o Marquês de Pombal.Trabalhamos o caso de Pernambuco, mais especificamente Recife e Olinda, sem esquecer o contexto metropolitano e colonial brasileiro. Buscamos, ainda, compreender o tipo de ameaça que poderia representar o projeto da Companhia de Jesus aos interesses do Ministro de D.José I, bem como interpretar a interação entre os Jesuítas e a sociedade pernambucana, principalmente no momento da expulsão. A transferência da capital, a legislação politizadora de índios, as restrições econômicas, o fiscalismo exarcebado e o controle de certas indústrias num organismo jurídico português faziam parte do projeto administrativo de Pombal para o Brasil dos Setecentos e, por isso, integraram-se ao objeto de estudo. A tudo, incluímos também o papel evangelizador e sóciopolítico das Ordens Religiosas e as sanções a elas impostas. No decorrer do processo colonizador, os jesuítas foram assumindo posições diferenciadas. A Companhia de Jesus assimilou na colônia valores diferentes da metrópole. Os padres, além do sacerdócio, atuavam também como pais, irmãos e amigos dos colonos; estavam presentes no cotidiano, choravam e sorriam com os seus fiéis, colocando em prática a piedade jesuítica para acalentar as dificuldades e os lamentos da sociedade colonial. Em Pernambuco, os jesuítas atuaram junto à sociedade e receberam o respaldo popular. A expulsão e depois a supressão da Companhia de Jesus não foi suficiente para apagar do imaginário social o papel desempenhado pelos Soldados de Jesus na sociedade luso-pernambucana. A sociedade recifense e olindense reagiu em todos os sentidos à saída dos seus representantes religiosos. Fizeram greve de fome, denunciaram a má qualidade do ensino pós-jesuítico, pedindo a restituição dos antigos mestres. No Recife, populares foram às ruas reivindicar mudança ministerial, pois acreditavam que só assim seria possível inverter a situação a favor dos jesuítas / The objective of this dissertation is the confrontation between the Society of Jesus and the centralizing politics of the Portuguese metropolis as conducted by Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, the Marquis of Pombal in the eighteenth century. We focus on the situation in Pernambuco, especially Recife and Olinda, without forgetting the policies of Pombal and colonial Brazil. We also want to understand the nature of the threat that the project of the Society of Jesus could represent for the interests of the kings minister as well as how to interpret the relationship of the Jesuits and the pernambucan society, specially at the moment of the expulsion of the Society. Capital transference, conflictive indian legislation, restrictive economics, excessive fiscal control and the monitoring of certain industries in the Portuguese juridical system, all have a role in Pombals administrative project for Brazil in the eighteenth century. For this reason they all are subjects of our study. In addition, we include the evangelizing and socio-political role of Religious Orders and restrictions imposed on them. In the process of colonization, the Jesuits assumed nuanced positions. The Society of Jesus adopted values different than the those of the metropolis. The Priests acted also as fathers, brothers and friend or the colonialists. They were present in their daily lives, they cried and smiles with their coreligionists, practicing a jesuit piety to minimize the difficulties and the suffering of the colonial society. The expulsion, and later suppression of the Society of Jesus was not enough to dampen the civic memories nor the developmental role of these companions of Jesus in the luso-pernambucan community. The people of Recife and Olinda were deeply affected by the expulsion of their religious representatives. They went on hunger strikes, they denounced the poor quality of the subsequent education, and they wanted the return of their former teachers. In Recife, the people went out in the streets and shouted for the ministers removal. For them, this was the only was possible to correct the situation of the Jesuits

Orientador: Ruy de Oliveira Andrade Filho / Banca: Ana Paula Tavares Magalhães / Banca: Terezinha Oliveira / Resumo: Esta dissertação teve como objetivo compreender a elaboração da concepção da Realeza católica a partir das ideias políticas do bispo Isidoro de Sevilha (560-636). Prelado que viveu na passagem do século VI para o VII na Hispânia Visigoda, um período de mudanças, onde se buscava a unidade religiosa, política, legal, administrativa e de identidade deste reino. Coube a Isidoro de Sevilha traçar-lhe a doutrina. Assim analisamos as perspectivas deste prelado em relação ao reinado de Recaredo, rei que apareceu diante do III Concílio de Toledo (589) como o autor da conversão de seu povo e defensor dos interesses da única Igreja oficial do reino, bem como de seus sucessores. Contudo, apesar da conversão de Recaredo ter dado um novo caráter à Monarquia esta ainda não conseguiu consolidar totalmente o reino. Isidoro, por meio de suas obras desenvolveu um importante papel na tarefa de fortalecimento da Monarquia. Assim na maior parte de seus escritos não apenas apresentou as preocupações e anseios de um indivíduo isolado, mas os desejos e temores também do restante do corpo que, em sua maioria, compunham a Igreja hispano-visigoda e a instituição monárquica / Abstract: This dissertation aimed to understands the elaboration of the conception of the Catholic Royalty starting from the bishop's Isidoro of Seville political ideas (560-636). Prelate that lived in the passage of the century VI for VII in Visigothic Hispania, a period of changes, where the religious unit, politics, was looked for legal, administrative and of identity of this kingdom. Isidoro of Seville fit to draw the doctrine. We analyzed the prospects of this prelate in relation to the reign of Recaredo, king that appeared before III Council of Toledo (589) as the author of the conversion of his people and defender of the interests of the only official Church of the kingdom, as well as of their successors. However, in spite of the conversion of Recaredo to have given a new character to the Monarchy this still didn't get to consolidate the kingdom totally. Isidoro, through their works developed an important paper in the task of invigoration of the Monarchy. Like this in most of their writings it didn't just present the concerns and an isolated individual's longings, but the desires and fears also of the remaining of the body that, in majority, composed the hispano-Visigothic Church and the monarchic institution / Mestre

Orientador: Paulo Celso Miceli / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T12:19:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Araujo_MariadoSocorrodeSousa_D.pdf: 3478272 bytes, checksum: 20587b21ea1335d9f698e0b10ca531f0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Este trabalho de pesquisa tem por finalidade apresentar e problematizar várias práticas de ocupação, bem como os usos políticos dos territórios amazônicos, no decorrer do século XX, e em destaque, a Amazônia mato-grossense - o vale do Araguaia. Para tanto, na perspectiva da História Cultural, o conjunto dos discursos que se aloja nas fontes documentais revela as estratégias de ação com as quais a multiplicidade de agentes sociais conduz seus propósitos. Nas arenas dos jogos de interesses distintos, estão imbricadas as dimensões do público e do privado, do geral e do particular, do formal e do informal, da ética e da estética. Nesse caminho, os resultados da pesquisa dão visibilidade aos múltiplos comportamentos individuais e coletivos que produzem encontros e desencontros, parceiros e adversários, aliados e inimigos, a partir das concepções que os grupos sociais formulam sobre o mundo em que vivem e, com elas, constroem suas experiências de vida. Na segunda metade do século passado, o "inventário" dos territórios amazônicos, com fins de exploração econômica, que se estabeleceu a partir das políticas governamentais, tem como suporte maior os conflitos agrários em função dos "negócios fundiários", em que se transformou o uso das terras. Nestas práticas de violência, se enfrentaram (e continuam se enfrentando) Igreja católica, empresários, poderes públicos (Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário), representações sociais como sindicatos, CNBB, ONG's, OAB, etc., o que tem chamado a atenção de jornalistas e intelectuais. Por último, a pesquisa, no seu todo, também aponta aspectos singulares de um tempo carregado de representações da modernidade, cujas ações colocam à prova, valores e tradições. As formas de agir, portanto, dão sentido às escolhas, aos comportamentos político-sociais e culturais, às vitórias e até aos fracassos com que as populações sertanejas (índios, ribeirinhos, agricultores pobres e imigrantes) constroem suas experiências de vida na dimensão e nas tramas do progresso / Abstract: This research aims to present and discuss various forms of occupation and the political uses of Amazon territories in the twentieth century, highlighting the Amazon in Mato Grosso - the Araguaia valley. Therefore, from the perspective of Cultural History, the set of discourses that constitute the documentary sources reveals the strategies of action with which the various social agents operate their purposes. In different games of interest, dimensions of public and private are intertwined, as well as the general and the particular, the formal and the informal, ethics and aesthetics. In this way, research results show the various individual and collective behaviors that produce meetings and disagreements, partners and adversaries, allies and enemies, from the conception that social groups formulate about the world they live in and, with them, build their life experiences. In the second half of the last century, the "inventory" of the Amazon spaces for economic exploitation purposes, which is established from government policies, originated many land conflicts on the basis of "land deals" that turned into land use. In these practices of violence, Catholic Church, entrepreneurs, government (Executive, Legislative and Judicial), social representations such as syndicate, CNBB, NGOs, OAB, etc., faced (and have been facing). And it has drawn the attention of journalists and intellectuals. Finally, research on the whole indicates the unique aspects of a historical time laden with representations of modernity, whose actions put values and traditions to the test. The forms of action, therefore, give meaning to the choices, political-economic and socio-cultural behaviors, victories and even failures with which the region's people (Indians, riverine, poor farmers and immigrants) build their life experiences in dimension and frames of progress / Doutorado / Historia Cultural / Doutora em História