Much has been written in the past few decades about populism that most scholars approaching the subject feel obliged to begin by justifying their writing of yet another text. In this paper, the situation is somewhat different: whilst our analytical gaze is cast upon populism (and fascism, as a precursor or closely related social phenomenon), this is only indirectly the case. Our primary focus is, instead, on the relationship that populism has with religion and secularity. Or, more precisely, the relationships of diverse populisms with different religiosities and various secularities. While the religious and the secular are mentioned in numerous studies about populism, these topics have rarely been adequately elaborated. Even when they are discussed, they are treated only in a marginal way. The purpose of this work is, therefore, to highlight the complex and multi-faceted way that populisms in Europe and Latin America have related to religion and religiosity. A second, parallel objective of this work is to reflect on the particular relationships populism establishes with different understandings of the secular, specifically within the political sphere, i.e. ‘political secularity.’ Following the differentiation paradigm, another term one might see used for this is ‘laicity’ (laïcité in French, laicidad in Spanish). I understand this to refer specifically to the secularisation of the state and the areas of society which come under its control.

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For many decades, Buddhism in the West has been conceived as an ‘other-worldly’ religion with very little or –at least—limited authority in the public arena. This partial view of the Buddhist path overlooks the potential of Buddhism to interpret reality and help establish new causes and conditions to improve it. This thesis is rooted in Buddhism and seeks to develop a Buddhist theology in order to understand how international relations, as part of the contingent reality, are subject to change. Thus there is the possibility of reconstructing reality through the sum of individual will expressed in social groups, institutions and states. This Theology of International Relations follows a methodology of causality rooted in the dependent origination found in Buddhist theology. Thus, relative reality is conceived as the result of the interaction of different causes and conditions; individuals, through their thoughts and actions, provide new conditions which will be crystallized in particular social arrangements through an inter-subjective consensus. This arrangement is highly influenced by the individual’s allegiance with the sacred, however this is conceived, and thus establishes an ethical guideline in the individual’s relationship with other sentient beings and the ultimate level of existence. This dependent construction of reality goes from the individual level of analysis to the social, state, interstate and global levels in a chain of contingent reality. Therefore I suggest that states, institutions and society are the reflection of shared ideas, beliefs, goals and perceptions of reality between individuals. The human capacity to shape reality is rooted in the premise that they face a relative reality, one that is contingent on several causes and conditions. In Buddhism, all sentient beings play a key role in shaping reality but human beings play a unique role because they can overcome suffering when they recognize the interdependent relation of causes and conditions in a relative reality. If this is achieved, then absolute reality can be experienced, wherein the individual goes beyond all conceptions and senses in a state of emptiness of the self. These core ideas of a contingent reality, its construction through an inter-subjective consensus and the need to experience an absolute reality are premises which Buddhist theology developed and which this thesis explores. In chapter one this thesis considers the basis of Buddhist theology and how it explains the experience of the sacred, the role of religion and the potential for the construction of a relative reality. This thesis argues that religion is at the core of human existence as a vessel of faith which follows a particular theological path toward a communion with the divine. The Buddhist path, aware of the interaction of different levels of reality—relative and absolute—also conceives inner development and social change as key elements of an interdependent transformation. The idea of ‘world peace through inner peace’ is one advocated by ‘engaged Buddhists’ and found in the ethical code of Buddha’s message. Chapter two examines how international relations became the arena where individuals, institutions and states converge and reflect the basic premises of their world-views, whether rooted in anger, hatred and ignorance of the interdependent nature of all phenomena, or based in compassion and awareness of a shared common good. In addition, it addresses the issue of the resurgence of religion in international relations and how it is present or absent from political science theories and policy making. Through this analysis, several established elements such as the concept of the state, secularism and religion as a source of war, are challenged in a new era of multi-agency and mutual influence through religious ideas, groups and communities. Following this inter-subjective construction of the world, the thesis presents two case studies which argue that religious leaders exercise political influence through their actions, ideas and beliefs. The first is the life and works of Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama in chapter three and the second is the life of Archbishop Desmond Tutu in chapter four. The former having suffered the violent occupation of Tibet and the continuous attacks on Tibetan culture that led him into exile, and the latter having faced the policies of hatred under apartheid, the Dalai Lama and Tutu managed to suggest a world where forgiveness is rooted in compassion and were human beings share the responsibility of creating a compassionate reality. The final chapter develops a new approach to the study of religion and politics providing new variables of study and new categories to understand how international relations are influenced by religious ideas and movements. This thesis argues that there is a need to study and understand this interdependent relation between religious and secular actors through theoretical approaches in international relations and opens the discipline to new paradigms such as the Buddhist theological approach. The outcome of this partnership depends on the individual’s decision to engage, whether in negative causation that leads to violence, fear, terror and the perpetuation of suffering or in a positive one which opens the possibility of peace and liberation from suffering through compassion, forgiveness and reconciliation, recognizing our common humanity and shared universal responsibility.

Mid-Ming times witnessed the rise of Neo-Confucianized merchants in Huizhou. The combined effort of Cheng surnamed merchants and the prestigious scholar-official Cheng Minzheng revived the trend of lineage construction in a recognizable pattern. First, the branch Shi Zhong temples were made to be used as ancestral halls of the Chengs. Then, multi-volume genealogies of enlarged kinships were compiled to form conglomerated lineages. The climax of this lineage-building process was the publication of the Conglomerated Lineage of the Chengs of Huizhou (Xin'an Chengshi tongzong shipu) compiled by Cheng Minzheng in 1482. This work created a constructed lineage but also realized a long cherished social ideal of the Confucian scholar. The local merchants were enthusiastic about such lineage-building activities, because the lineage itself facilitated their commercial enterprises and the building of it lessened the social tension brought about by their pursuit of profit. / The founding of the Ming dynasty influenced Huizhou in two ways. First, powerful families rising from Yuan times were weakened during the Hongwu and Yongle reigns. Consequently, Neo-Confucian social practices local elites supported such as lineage construction became inactive. Second, the Ming pursued a state policy of regulating local cults. Of the many local gods in Huizhou, only Wang Hua and Cheng Lingxi became legitimate gods recognized by the state. As a result, the Shi Zhong (everlasting loyalty) Temple worshiping Cheng Lingxi became an official temple in Huizhou. In time, branch Shi Zhong temples appeared in many areas in Huizhou and nearby regions. / The Mongolian conquest of China saw new social mobility in Huizhou. A group of new power holders arose because of the new regime's recruitment policy, which emphasized the appointee's class background and ability to collect taxes. The suspension of civil examinations in early Yuan times drove a large number of Confucian office-aspirants to become teachers in rural schools. These literati, however, helped spread Neo-Confucianism more widely than before. By late Yuan times, the new power holders in Huizhou also absorbed Neo-Confucianism and put it into practice in the construction of lineage halls and in the compilation of genealogies. Neo-Confucianism became socialized. / The study analyzes the various elements that made the Cheng lineage and defines these elements in the historical context of Huizhou from the Southern Song to the mid-Ming. Crucial elements include the rise of Cheng Lingxi, a famous warlord in sixth century. Cheng Lingxi was rewarded an official title by the Southern Song dynasty for which he became an authoritative god in early Ming times. Huizhou prefecture assumed increasing importance in Southern Song times because of its proximity to the capital at Lin'an. It became a communication hub for metropolitan Lin'an and the inland areas. Local government in Huizhou was strengthened and elites there entered the political center through civil examinations. Zhu Xi and his version of Neo-Confucianism were also well received there in late Southern Song times when both became orthodox. / This dissertation studies the construction process of the conglomerate lineage of the Chengs in Huizhou prefecture in mid-Ming China. This organization used the rule of decent-line to unite the families bearing the surname of Cheng and maintained the unity by means of genealogies and ancestral halls. The emergence of the conglomerated Cheng lineage bespeaks the emergence of a Neo-Confucian order jointly built by literati-officials and rising merchants in mid-Ming Huizhou. / 章毅. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(p. 232-241). / Adviser: Hung-lam Chu. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0687. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (p. 232-241). / Zhang Yi.

The exodus tradition was passed on for posterity among the Jewish descendants about God who delivered their ancestors from bondage in Egypt, who divided the Red Sea waters and provided them with manna in the desert. The exodus tradition motivated them in many problematic situations about "God of their fathers" who delivered them. The modern post-biblical world has drawn some motivation from the exodus liberation motif, namely: Latin America, USA, South Africa, Rhodesia and Zimbabwe, amongst others. The topic: Reading the Exodus Tradition from a Zimbabwean Perspective is necessitated by the Zimbabwean experience of oppression. The function of the exodus tradition during colonialism in Rhodesia is discussed because it forms the nucleus from which Zimbabwe was born. Recently, the Zimbabwean people have been subjected to unjust treatments by the Zimbabwean regime. The function of the exodus tradition in the Zimbabwean situation is explored in chapters five and six, respectively. / Biblical and Ancient studies / M.A. (Biblical Studies)

The author strongly holds- in the thesis- that the Theology of liberation can inspi re the poor of South Africa to uproot the post-1994 socio-economic and political evil structures which continue unabated to impoverish them. The introductory chapter studies the reasons which motivated the author to write the thesis. It further discusses the method, the format and the limitations of the thesis. Chapter one focuses on the author's understanding of the Theology of liberation, and its historical background. Chapter two discusses the relationship between the Theology of Liberation and black theology, while chapter three contemplates on the possibility of the creation of what the author calls, An African Theology of Liberation. Chapter four studies the relationship between the Theology of liberation and the Social Teachings of the Catholic Church as taught by the pope and his council. The study of this relationship is extremely difficult because of the on-going, and seemingly insurmountable ideological differences between the two parties. The author suggests, as a solutio n, that each party seriously considers and recognizes the contextual limitations of its theology. Chapter five focuses on the implementation of the Theology of Liberat ion into the South African situation. The author highly recommends the inclusion of the veneration of the ancestors of Africa, as a perfect instrument by means of which the Theology of Liberation can succeed in achieving one of its major aims, which is to convert the poor to be leaders of their own liberation. The concluding chapter suggests concrete ways through which the Theology of Liberation can be kept alive and relevant within the South African situation. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)

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This work reinterprets the idea of progress at the heart of Woodrow Wilson’s liberal internationalism through the lens of secularization theory, which holds that modern philosophies of progress stand on religious foundations and represent secularized vestiges of biblical eschatology. Previous applications of this insight reveal a selective pattern: Whereas totalitarian and illiberal narratives of progress such as Nazism and Marxism-Leninism have received lavish attention and spawned extensive political religions literature, liberal progressivism has been ignored. This dissertation rectifies this neglect. Initial chapters present the biblical conception of history as the myth of salvation, introduce secularization through the writings of Karl Löwith and Hans Blumenberg, respectively its principal proponent and main critic, and test the limits of the concept to confirm its applicability to liberal progressivism. The main part aims secularization theory at Wilson’s idea of progress in the broader context of American liberal thought. From the 17th-century Puritan vision of a “city upon a hill” to the 19th-century doctrine of “manifest destiny”, biblical eschatology defined the way Americans envisioned history and their role in it, giving rise to a sort of liberal-republican millennialism. Wilson was no exception: Considering faith essential to authentic knowledge, he regarded history as a providential process, the United States as a divinely appointed redeemer nation, and himself as a Christian statesman performing God’s work in a fallen world. His foreign policy was fundamentally a religious mission to transform international relations according to the Bible, thereby fulfilling the prophecy of salvation. The dissertation demonstrates the eschatological foundations of his statecraft through specific examples and draws attention to their illiberal and totalizing implications. Final passages note the enduring relevance of Wilson’s principles and, based on their reinterpretation in this work, reflect critically on their suitability as a guide for future American foreign policy.

O estudo analisa alguns discursos da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) no sul de Moçambique e problematiza os diálogos desta igreja com aspectos de diferentes contextos religiosos e com o poder político. A inspiração teórica está nos autores que apontaram as implicações políticas de diversas práticas religiosas e dos discursos sobre feitiçaria em contextos africanos (P. Geschiere, H. G. West, e outros) e nos autores que apontaram as dificuldades para designar algo como estritamente político ou estritamente religioso (T. Asad, e outros). Neste sentido, o estudo não partiu de uma definição de religião, mas busca identificar o lugar que a religião ocupou e ocupa em Moçambique. Além da utilização de fontes secundárias, o estudo analisa alguns materiais escritos produzidos pela IURD em Moçambique, alguns programas televisivos, algumas reuniões da IURD em Moçambique, e entrevistas com líderes religiosos moçambicanos. Sem ignorar as continuidades em relação à IURD no Brasil, o estudo aponta que diversas práticas de outros contextos religiosos, principalmente tradicionais e zionistas do sul da África, criaram e criam condições para que os discursos da IURD sejam significativos no sul de Moçambique. / The study analyzes some discourses of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UCKG) in southern Mozambique and problematizes the dialogues of this church with aspects of different religious contexts and with political power. The theoretical inspiration lies in the authors who pointed out the political implications of various religious practices and witchcraft discourses in African contexts (P. Geschiere, H. G. West, and others) and in the authors who pointed out the difficulties to designate something as strictly political or strictly religious (T. Asad, and others). In this sense, the study did not start from a definition of religion, but seeks to identify the place that the religion occupied and occupies in Mozambique. In addition to the use of secondary sources, the study analyzes some of the written materials produced by UCKG in Mozambique, some television programs, some cults of the UCKG in Mozambique, and interviews with Mozambican religious leaders. Without ignoring the continuities in relation to the UCKG in Brazil, the study points out that several practices in other religious contexts, mainly \"traditional\" and Zionist in southern Africa, have created and created conditions for the UCKGs speeches to be significant in southern Mozambique.