This dissertation argues for the hope that is found in G. C. Berkouwer’s doctrines of providence and bodily resurrection in relation to the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001, and the rising pervasiveness of the doctrine of hyperpreterism among American Reformed circles. In Part I of the dissertation, Berkouwer’s doctrine of providence is explained and then evaluated and applied. By way of explanation and exposition, Berkouwer’s knowledge of providence is examined, along with his theology of providence in sustenance and government, in relation to miracles, and the dilemma of the existence of God and evil. Following that is an evaluation and application of the doctrine to the 9/11 terrorist attack on America. In Part II, a theological/doctrinal study is undertaken concerning the doctrine of resurrection. Hyper-preterism is examined, along with its leading proponents, and placed into interaction with Berkouwer’s views of the doctrine of the physical resurrection of the body at the eschaton. / Theology / M.Th. (Philosophy & Systematic Theology)

History / M.A. (History)

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Politics, in modern society, has become intimately associated with poor governance, fraud and corruption, social decay, abuse of power, indifference to the plight of the poor, squandering of critical resources and self-enrichment. This situation has been further aggravated by the debate that religion and politics should be kept separate at all costs. The demand for social justice in marginalised communities has increased dramatically over the last few decades. The escalation of human conflict, poverty, social inequality and corrupt practices across the globe over recent years, demands a radical reassessment of how the human race engages politically, socially and economically with each other. Hebrew classical prophets such as Hosea, Amos, Isaiah and Micah have through their messages of condemnation, indictment, punishment and hope confronted the serious political and social challenges that prevailed during and subsequent to their time. They demonstrated immense bravery against the established order of the day as they proclaimed Yahweh’s gross displeasure and divine judgement for the manner in which those in power had treated the poor. Amos, in particular, has captivated scholars over many decades as they dissected every emotion, historical context, social structure, biblical tradition and literary convention in order to understand his message. This study is an attempt to re-evaluate the critical balance between politics and religion as demonstrated in the divine mandate provided to kings, centuries ago in the ancient Near East, to rule in a just and righteous manner. An examination of the role and function of the prophets, their relationship with the political and religious structures of the day as well as an exegetical study of selected Amos texts has been undertaken to determine how this social imbalance was addressed by the prophets. A general hypothesis is advanced to restore this intricate balance between modern politics and religion. The study further enables a theological re-evaluation of how this balance could possibly be pursued as a potential catalyst for its overall social restoration. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die politiek, in die hedendaagse samelewing, word nou geassosieer met swak regering, bedrog en korrupsie, sosiale verrotting, misbruik van mag, onverskilligheid teenoor die ellende van die armes, verkwisting van kritiese hulpbronne en selfverryking. Hierdie situasie word verder vererger as gevolg van ‘n debat wat daarop aandring dat die politiek en die godsdiens ten alle koste apart gehou moet word. Die aandrang vir sosiale geregtigheid in verarmde gemeenskappe het dramaties toegeneem oor die laaste dekades. Die progressiewe toename in menslike konflik, armoede, sosiale ongelykheid en omkopery wêreldwyd, die onlangse jare, vereis ‘n radikale herevaluering oor hoe die mensdom met mekaar oor die weg kom polities, sosiaal en ekonomies. Die Bybels-Hebreeuse profete soos Hosea, Amos, Jesaja en Miga het met hulle boodskappe van aanklag, straf en hoop die ernstige politieke en sosiale uitdagings wat gedurende hulle tyd geheers het gekonfronteer. Hulle het ongekende dapperheid gedemonstreer teen die destydse owerhede en so Jahwe se intense ontevredenheid en goddelike oordeel verwoord teenoor die swak behandeling van die armes. Amos, in die besonder, het geleerdes oor die dekades bekoor en elke emosie, historiese agtergrond, sosiale struktuur, tradisie en literêre konvensie is benut in ‘n poging om sy boodskap te verstaan. Hierdie studie is ‘n poging om die sensitiewe balans tussen die politiek en die godsdiens te her-evalueer in die lig van die beginsel van regverdige regering as goddelike mandaat wat reeds eeue gelede aan konings van die ou Nabye Ooste opgedra is. ‘n Ondersoek na die rol en funksie van die profete, hul verhouding met die politieke en godsdienstige strukture van hulle tyd, sowel as ‘n eksegetiese studie van geselekteerde Amos tekste word onderneem om te bepaal hoe hierdie sosiale onewewigtigheid hanteer is. ‘n Algemene hipotese word aan die hand gedoen om die ingewikkelde balans tussen die moderne politiek en godsdiens te herstel. Die studie kan verder van waarde wees deurdat dit ‘n teologiese herbesinning bied wat kan dien as ‘n moontlike katalisator vir algehele sosiale restorasie.

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Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-23T12:33:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Felippe Otávio de Souza Cuyabano.pdf: 4004319 bytes, checksum: 913066460400eb6dfe3bb7f49c21db87 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-23T12:33:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felippe Otávio de Souza Cuyabano.pdf: 4004319 bytes, checksum: 913066460400eb6dfe3bb7f49c21db87 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present research investigated an activity of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal (CCR) in the religious field of the city of Cáceres, located in the State of Mato Grosso. In this context, this research carried out an ethnographic study on the thesis that the local experience of the CCR formulated a profile of Catholicism-charismatic diverse from the national identification of the Renovation, by producing new social agents in the form of leaders from the periphery , previously restricted to the traditional Catholicism, and the margin of the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church (IC), but which, in turn, due to such specificity in the renewed Cacerian segment, generated social contexts that allowed the transfer of these leaderships to the political field, provoking new tensions between such power spaces. In the perceptual chain of the CCR, there are different sources of origin than the scholars of the religious phenomenon, such as Prandi (1998), Carranza (2000), Souza (2005) and Sofiati (2011) is strongly marked and originating in the middle and higher economic social strata. Through a framework, the following questions stand out: Is the CCR assuming popular dimensions through social media outlets? In the local internal negotiations of the sub-field of charismatic Catholicism, can it be said that the CCR is not only filling up, but spreading, from the space of popular Catholicism in the peripheries? Different from the case of the CCR addressing the impoverished, as in its popularization on 1990s, today, would it be the impoverished ones who would speak for the RCC? In order to answer these questions for the trajectory, an ethnographic course with theoretical and methodological support, counting, among other scholars of the religious phenomenon, as reflections of Max Weber, Pierre Bourdieu, in his concepts of social action, habitus and religious field structure, which inspire the Analysis of data collected in the ethnographic trajectory, bibliographical publications, in-person incursions into the fieldwork in ministry service meetings, prayer meetings, diocesan congresses, spiritual formations, vigils, charismatic Catholic-shows, healing and liberation camps, in order to consider, the CCR faithful as research subjects for the consolidation of empirical data / A presente pesquisa investigou a atuação da Renovação Carismática Católica (RCC) no campo religioso da cidade de Cáceres, situada no Estado de Mato Grosso. Neste contexto, empreendeu um estudo etnográfico sobre a tese de que a experiência local da RCC, formulou um perfil do catolicismo-carismático diverso da identificação nacional da Renovação, ao produzir novos agentes sociais em forma de líderes oriundos da periferia, antes restritos ao catolicismo tradicional popular, e a margem da hierarquia da Igreja Católica Apostólica Romana (ICAR), mas que por sua vez, devido a tal especificidade no segmento renovado cacerense, foram engendrados contextos sociais que possibilitaram o transpassamento destas lideranças para o campo político, provocando novas tensões entre tais espaços de poder. Deste modo, apresenta-se neste encadeamento perceptivo da RCC, especificidades de origem diferentes do que apontam os estudiosos do fenômeno religioso, como Prandi (1998), Carranza (2000), Souza (2005), Sofiati (2011), ao indicarem que a RCC é fortemente marcada e originada nas camadas sociais econômicas médias e superiores. Mediante a esse quadro, sobressaíram os seguintes questionamentos: A RCC está assumindo dimensões popularizantes pelas vias de sujeitos sociais da periferia? Nas negociações internas locais do subcampo do catolicismo carismático, pode-se dizer que a RCC não só está preenchendo, mas se difundindo, a partir os espaços do catolicismo popular das periferias? Diferente do caso da RCC se dirigir aos empobrecidos, como em sua popularização dos anos de 1990, atualmente, seriam os empobrecidos que falariam pela voz da RCC? Para responder estes questionamentos foi traçado um percurso etnográfico com suporte teórico-metodológico contando, dentre outros estudiosos do fenômeno religioso, com as reflexões de Max Weber, Pierre Bourdieu, em seus conceitos de ação social, habitus e estrutura do campo religioso, que inspiram a análise de dados coletados na trajetória etnográfica, em face da revisão bibliográfica, incursões presenciais ao trabalho de campo em reuniões dos ministérios de serviço, encontros de oração, congressos diocesanos, formações espirituais, vigílias, shows católicos-carismáticos, acampamentos de cura e libertação, de modo a considerar, os fiéis da RCC como sujeitos de pesquisa para a consolidação dos dados empíricos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:30:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruna Suruagy do Amaral Dantas.pdf: 2651436 bytes, checksum: efc8f29dcb5adf6ce58c5f4b7f16f0f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-21 / In Brazil, the Evangelical churches have entered into the political sphere and have consolidated their strength in the national scenario. Today, they are relevant political players that have power to interfere in the parliament s decisions, and it is no longer possible to ignore their presence in the public space. The interest in politics has expanded so much that Pentecostal denominations of significant importance in the religious field have started to have political assistance regarding the development of electoral strategies, thus enabling the amplification of parliamentary representation and the acquisition of elective offices in the municipal, state and federal spheres. In this way, they started to hold positions of power and became political agents of national significance. In view of the growth of the Evangelical parliamentary representation in Congress, the present study aims to investigate the system of political-religious ideologies of the Evangelical congressmen, in the 2007/2011 term of office. The methodological procedure was semi-structured interviews with congressmen and assistants. Data analysis, based on the concept of ideology developed by Ignacio Martín-Baró, revealed that the members of the Evangelical Parliamentary Front present in their speeches the following ideological presuppositions: the myth of unity and consensus, the denial of antagonism, the commitment to generic representation, the normalization of politics, the conservation of the instituted morality, the preservation of the status quo and the combat against the transformation of the legislative code / No Brasil, as igrejas evangélicas têm ingressado na esfera político-partidária e consolidado sua força no cenário nacional. Atualmente, são atores políticos relevantes, que possuem poder para interferir nas decisões do parlamento, não sendo mais possível ignorar sua presença no espaço público. O interesse pela política expandiu-se tanto que denominações pentecostais de expressiva importância no campo religioso passaram a contar com uma assessoria política que lhes orienta no desenvolvimento de estratégias eleitorais, propiciando, assim, a ampliação da representação parlamentar e a conquista de cargos eletivos nas esferas municipal, estadual e federal. Dessa maneira, começaram a ocupar posições de poder, convertendo-se em agentes políticos de expressividade nacional. Em vista do crescimento da representação parlamentar evangélica na Câmara Federal, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo investigar o sistema de ideologias político-religiosas dos deputados federais evangélicos, na legislatura de 2007/2011. Para tanto, utilizou-se como procedimento metodológico a realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com parlamentares e assessores. A análise dos dados, realizada com base no conceito de ideologia desenvolvido por Ignacio Martín-Baró, revelou que os integrantes da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica apresentam em seus discursos os seguintes pressupostos ideológicos: o mito da unidade e do consenso, a negação do antagonismo, o compromisso com a representação genérica, a normatização da política, a conservação da moralidade instituída, a preservação do status quo e o combate à transformação do código legislativo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriano Henriques Machado.pdf: 2482007 bytes, checksum: df0fe141b87e6213727cfb0ec2d7a61c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper discusses the relations between the various sectors Catholics in thebig region of São Paulo with the Workers s Party (PT) during the period between 1978 and 1982, from the perspectives of social history, ie, their tensions, disputes, approaches, rejections and points of identification and convergence. Inside the juncture of the various movements that have emerged over the years 1970 and later articulated the creation of PT, discusses the relations between the various Catholic groups such as: Pastoral Workers (PO), Basic Ecclesial Communities (BEC), Commissions Justice and Peace, the hierarchy itself, among others, with popular movements and labor-union movements. Moreover, examines how the hierarchy, the various groups and Catholics were related and positioned himself in the presence to political openness, reorganizing party and the elections of 1982, ie, since the joints seeking to create a Popular Party (PP), passing through the creation of the PT, it s consolidation and the involvement of party elections in 1982 / O presente trabalho discute as relações estabelecidas entre os diversos setores católicos da região da grande São Paulo com o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), durante o período de 1978 e 1982, a partir das perspectivas da história social, ou seja, de suas tensões, disputas, aproximações, rejeições e pontos de identificação e convergência. No interior da conjuntura dos diversos movimentos que emergiram ao longo dos anos 1970 e que posteriormente articularam a criação do PT, problematiza as relações estabelecidas entre os diversos grupos católicos tais como: Pastoral Operária (PO), Comunidades Eclesiais de Base (CEBs), Comissões de Justiça e Paz, a própria hierarquia, dentre outros, com os movimentos populares e os movimentos operáriosindicais. Além disso, analisa como a hierarquia, os diversos grupos e militantes católicos relacionaram-se e posicionaram-se perante a abertura política, a reorganização partidária e as eleições de 1982, ou seja, desde as articulações visando a criação de um Partido Popular (PP), passando pela criação do PT, por sua consolidação e a participação do partido nas eleições de 1982

Thesis (MMAS) -- U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. / AD-A463 803. Also available via the World Wide Web.

In this inquiry I pursue two tasks. First, I locate the roots of Heidegger's philosophical project historically within a specific theological discourse bent on redefining the relation between religion and politics. Heidegger's main, if covert, intent was to combat the egalitarian, pluralistic impulses carried by a tradition of critical Christology, which leads from F.W.J. Schelling's (1775-1854) Philosophy of Revelation to the work of the radical theologian-philosopher Paul Tillich (1886-1965). These egalitarian impulses spring from a broadened understanding of religious community as a material communication community unified through the use of shared symbols into a community of understanding, knowledge, and interests. The theoretical expansion and deepening of such a communication model, I detect in the writings of the renegade Neogrammarian, Hermann Paul, here considered in light of the "neo-Idealist" initiative of one of Paul's most prominent critics, the Romanist Karl Vossler. Prior to the advanced theological exposition of symbolically mediated communication, in works such as Tillich's book Dynamics of Faith (2001; Engl. orig.1957), the Neogrammarian movement in language studies, I argue, holds the key to accessing the cloaked Christological subtext of Heidegger's thought. Second, after thus locating Heidegger's philosophical agenda within its intellectual-historical context, I expose how Heidegger manipulates philosophical rhetoric to achieve the suspension of Schelling's theological legacy. My analysis of Heidegger's rhetorical behavior is focused on his Letter on Humanism (written 1946, published 1949), a text very overt in both its philosophical biases and its politics. The Humanismusbrief comes the closest to revealing Heidegger's own self-positioning within his generation. The work's conclusion provides a brief look ahead, or Ausblick, to indicate the main features of how these findings about the Letter can be brought to bear on Heidegger's masterpiece fragment, Being and Time. Through this approach, Heidegger's inherently political philosophy gains a much clearer profile in the context of its formative phase in the waning days of the Weimar Republic and opens a new perspective on later attempts by its author to "re-apply" his philosophical program to the cultural situation of postwar Germany, as well as to the ethical-epistemological problems remaining after twelve years of German isolationism. / text

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