O golpe militar de 1964 significou um verdadeiro retrocesso político no caminho rumo a uma sociedade justa e fraterna, pois instaurou um regime ditatorial e antidemocrático. Setores protestantes passaram a apoiá-lo, caracterizando uma negação dos valores cristãos democráticos, pois as mesmas igrejas, que defendiam a tese de que a ideologia protestante se baseava na liberdade de comportamento e no livre arbítrio, tornaram-se autoritárias e repressoras, tratando os que se opunham ao novo regime de forma inquisitorial. A Marcha da Família com Deus pela Liberdade, no Recife, significou o apoio de grupos religiosos, tanto protestantes, quanto católicos, ao golpe militar de 1964, apoio dado em nome da preservação dos valores cristãos e democráticos que estariam sendo ameaçados. Pessoas colocadas na cúpula das igrejas protestante e católica se uniram contra um inimigo comum: o comunismo. Dentro de tal contexto estudamos a Cruzada de Ação Básica Cristã (Cruzada ABC), movimento protestante de educação de jovens e adultos, sustentado por um acordo entre a USAID, o Colégio Agnes Erskine, de Recife, e a SUDENE, que alegava ter um caráter filantrópico. Ressaltamos o conteúdo religioso da Cruzada ABC e seu proselitismo, inspirado nos valores da sociedade estadunidens / The military coup of 1964 indicated a genuine political retreat in the movement for a just and fraternal society, because it established a dictatorial and antidemocratic regime. Protestant groups began to support it. In doing so they were embracing a denial of democratic and christian values, since these very churches, by defending the theory of protestant ideology, based on liberty and free will, became themselves authoritarian and repressive, treating those opposed to the new regime as enemies without the due process of law. The March of the Family with God for Freedom, in Recife, meant that the support of protestant and catholic religious groups for the military coup of 1964, were actually threatening the preservation of christian and democratic values. People in leadership of protestant and catholic churches joined against a common enemy: communism. In this context we study the Crusade of Christian Basic Action (Cruzada ABC), a protestant educational movement of youths and adults, sustained by an agreement among USAID, the Colégio Agnes Erskine of Recife, and SUDENE, which alleged to be philanthropic. We emphasize the religious content and proselytism of the Cruzada ABC, inspired by the social values of the United States

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The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.

The text deals with the relation between religion and politics, in particular, with the conceptualization of religious identity in the discipline of International Relations from the position of postmodern approaches. The main goal is to examine whether and how feasible, useful, and usual is to work with the religious (and inseparable cultural) dimension of identity. The author claims that the concept of religious identity well reveals an important link between the religious and the political and represents a useful analytical tool. A categorisation and a model of identity are introduced and applied. The application is twofold, the categories are used in the academic discourse analysis and then once again it is used for the case of European identity in interactions of the EU and the RCC. Finally, the concept of the religious actor is discussed on this empirical basis and also the political construction of the religious, in general, is debated.

Despite the long history of Muslims in Russia, most scholarly and political literatures on Russia’s Islam still narrowly interpret Muslim-Slavs relations in an ethnic-religious oppositional framework. In my work, I examine Russia’s discourse on Islam to argue that, in fact, the role of Islam in post-Soviet Russia is complex. Drawing from direct sources from academic, state, journalistic, and underground circles, often neglected by Western commentators, I identify ideational patterns in conceptualizations of Islam and reconstruct relational networks among authors. To explain complex intertextual relations within specific contexts, I utilize an analytically eclectic method that appropriately combines theories from different paradigms and/or disciplines. Thanks to my multi-dimensional approach, I show that, contrary to traditional views, Russia’s Muslims participate in processes of post-Soviet Russia’s identity formation. Starting from textual contents, avoiding pre-formed analytical frames, I argue that many Muslims in Russia perceive themselves as part of Russian civilization – even when they challenge the status-quo. Building on my initial findings, I state that a key element in Russia’s conceptualization of Islam is the definition, elaborated in the 1990s, of traditional Islam as part of Russian civilizational history, as opposed to extremist Islam as extraneous, hostile phenomenon. The differentiation creates an unprecedently safe, if confined, space for Islamic propositions, of which Muslims are taking advantage. Embedded in debates on Russian civilization, conceptualizations of Islam, then, influence Russia’s (geo)political self-perceptions and, consequently, its domestic and international policies. In particular, Russian so-far neglected Islamic doctrine supports views of Islamic terrorism as a political and not religious phenomenon. Hence, Russia interprets both terrorism and counterterrorism within its own historical tradition, causing its strategy to be at odds with Western views. Less apparently, these divergences affect Russian-U.S. broader relations. Finally, in revealing the civilizational value of Russia’s Islam, I expose intellectual relations among influential subjects who share the aim to devise a new civilizational model that should combine Slavic and non-Slavic, Orthodox and Islamic, Western, and Asian components. In this old Russian dilemma, the novelty is Muslims’ participation.

This dissertation poses a set of six questions about one of the Israel Lobby’s particular components, a Potential Christian Jewish coalition (PCJc) within American politics that advocates for Israeli sovereignty over “Judea and Samaria” (“the West Bank”). The study addresses: the profiles of the individuals of the PCJc; its policy positions, the issues that have divided it, and what has prevented, and continues to prevent, the coalition from being absorbed into one or more of the more formally organized components of the Israel Lobby; the resources and methods this coalition has used to attempt to influence U.S. policy on (a) the Middle East, and (b) the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular; the successes or failures of this coalition’s advocacy and why it has not organized; and what this case reveals about interest group politics and social movements in the United States. This dissertation follows the descriptive-analytic case-study tradition that comprises a detailed analysis of a specific interest group and one policy issue, which conforms to my interest in the potential Christian Jewish coalition that supports a Jewish Judea and Samaria. I have employed participant observation, interviewing, content analysis and documentary research. The findings suggest: The PCJc consists of Christian Zionists and mostly Jews of the center religious denominations. Orthodox Jewish traditions of separation from Christians inhibit like-minded Christians and Jews from organizing. The PCJc opposes an Arab state in Judea and Samaria, and is not absorbed into more formally organized interest groups that support that policy. The PCJc’s resources consist of support and funding from conservatives. Methods include use of education, debates and media. Members of the PCJc are successful because they persist in their support for a Jewish Judea and Samaria and meet through other organizations around Judeo-Christian values. The PCJc is deterred from advocacy and organization by a mobilization of bias from a subgovernment in Washington, D.C. comprising Congress, the Executive branch and lobby organizations. The study’s results raise questions about interest group politics in America and the degree to which the U.S. political system is pluralistic, suggesting that executive power constrains the agenda to “safe” positions it favors.

This thesis expands upon the concept of the global culture wars in sub-Saharan Africa from a Canadian perspective, focusing on the growing division within Canada between conservative, religious values and liberal, progressive ones (Caplan, 2012). This division led to a political and cultural realignment alongside the increased visibility and leadership of religious and faith communities in Canadian public and political life. Amidst this polarization, Conservative Party leader Stephen Harper was elected Prime Minister in February 2006. Under his leadership, a conservative, pro-family agenda was established. This agenda, which advocates a traditional understanding of family life and structure, in particular refers to a legally married, heterosexual couple with children. It was supported by the evangelical Christian population in Canada, which grew from a united religious community in Canada into a significant constituency of the Conservative Party. Harper’s tenure, coupled with the increased visibility and leadership of faith and religious communities significantly affected domestic and international policies during his tenure as Prime Minister, from 2006 to 2015. This thesis examines the Muskoka Initiative on Maternal, Child, and Newborn Health (Muskoka-MNCH) and shows how this initiative, which fostered anti-abortion rhetoric abroad, was utilized to appease the evangelical community’s anti-abortion position in Canada.

Orientador: Alvaro Gabriel Bianchi Mendez / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T16:49:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MeloJunior_SydneiUlissesde_M.pdf: 1057253 bytes, checksum: 54984ae1a8b2c4ded25a88e5d6fca9ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta dissertação é dedicada ao estudo dos trabalhos do marxista peruano José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930) e, especialmente, à análise da importância política assumida pelos conceitos de mito e religião no conjunto de sua obra. Os capítulos referem-se a três etapas da vida do autor ¿ a juventude (1914-1919), o exílio (1919-1923) e o regresso e posterior militância socialista no Peru (1923-1930) ¿ e por meio da exposição de sua formação intelectual e política procuramos compreender as preocupações do Amauta com os conceitos acima mencionados. A pesquisa mostra que, contrastado a outros autores clássicos do marxismo, Mariátegui assume um olhar mais sensível ao papel histórico e social cumprido por diferentes manifestações religiosas ¿ contribuindo para isto a referência a sua formação pessoal e familiar, marcada por mística e religiosidade. Em seu desenvolvimento como socialista, o Amauta incorpora ao seu discurso termos como mito, fé e religiosidade, que passam a constituir o horizonte de sua reflexão revolucionária. Por outro lado, ao demonstrar uma preocupação criteriosa com a análise das manifestações políticas e históricas de atores e instituições religiosas ¿ tanto na Itália, quanto no Peru e no continente latino-americano ¿ Mariátegui não deixa, porém, de distanciar-se de críticas racionalistas e anticlericais, afirmando uma "nova concepção" de religião, mais ampla e profunda, que se descola de adjetivações obscurantistas / Abstract: This dissertation is dedicated to the study of Peruvian Marxist José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930) works and especially to the analysis of the political relevance of concepts such as myth and religion in his work. The chapters refer to the three phases of Mariátegui's life ¿ his youth (1914-1919); exile (1919-1923); return and posterior socialist activism in Peru (1923-1930) ¿ we aim at a better understanding of Amauta¿s concerns regarding the aforementioned concepts by evaluating his intellectual and political formation. The research shows that, in contrast with others classical Marxist authors, Mariátegui assumes a more sensitive vision of the social and historical roles performed by different religious expressions ¿ for which his personal and family education, marked by religiosity and mystique, are a great contribution. In his socialist development, Amauta incorporates to his speech expressions such as myth, faith and religiosity, which constitute the horizon of his revolutionary thought. On the other hand, by demonstrating a careful concern in his analysis about political and historical manifestations of religious actors and institutions ¿ in Italy as well as in Peru and Latin America ¿ Mariátegui distances himself from rationalists and anticlerical critics, affirming a "new conception" of religion, wider and deeper, and detached of obscurantist adjectives / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:12:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_jose_ferreira.pdf: 6072651 bytes, checksum: 35ed79622d640e30cddcb7cbfa7034d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-07-23 / The military coup of 1964 indicated a genuine political retreat in the movement for a just and fraternal society, because it established a dictatorial and antidemocratic regime. Protestant groups began to support it. In doing so they were embracing a denial of democratic and christian values, since these very churches, by defending the theory of protestant ideology, based on liberty and free will, became themselves authoritarian and repressive, treating those opposed to the new regime as enemies without the due process of law. The March of the Family with God for Freedom, in Recife, meant that the support of protestant and catholic religious groups for the military coup of 1964, were actually threatening the preservation of christian and democratic values. People in leadership of protestant and catholic churches joined against a common enemy: communism. In this context we study the Crusade of Christian Basic Action (Cruzada ABC), a protestant educational movement of youths and adults, sustained by an agreement among USAID, the Colégio Agnes Erskine of Recife, and SUDENE, which alleged to be philanthropic. We emphasize the religious content and proselytism of the Cruzada ABC, inspired by the social values of the United States / O golpe militar de 1964 significou um verdadeiro retrocesso político no caminho rumo a uma sociedade justa e fraterna, pois instaurou um regime ditatorial e antidemocrático. Setores protestantes passaram a apoiá-lo, caracterizando uma negação dos valores cristãos democráticos, pois as mesmas igrejas, que defendiam a tese de que a ideologia protestante se baseava na liberdade de comportamento e no livre arbítrio, tornaram-se autoritárias e repressoras, tratando os que se opunham ao novo regime de forma inquisitorial. A Marcha da Família com Deus pela Liberdade, no Recife, significou o apoio de grupos religiosos, tanto protestantes, quanto católicos, ao golpe militar de 1964, apoio dado em nome da preservação dos valores cristãos e democráticos que estariam sendo ameaçados. Pessoas colocadas na cúpula das igrejas protestante e católica se uniram contra um inimigo comum: o comunismo. Dentro de tal contexto estudamos a Cruzada de Ação Básica Cristã (Cruzada ABC), movimento protestante de educação de jovens e adultos, sustentado por um acordo entre a USAID, o Colégio Agnes Erskine, de Recife, e a SUDENE, que alegava ter um caráter filantrópico. Ressaltamos o conteúdo religioso da Cruzada ABC e seu proselitismo, inspirado nos valores da sociedade estadunidens