No Renascimento, o surgimento de um senso histórico que pensava os antigos em seus termos próprios, e a ideia de que seria preciso imitar os antigos, não resultaram em apenas uma posição humanista, qual seja, aquela tendência que foi predominante e que enfatizava o poder da liberdade humana sobre os caprichos da Fortuna. Também surgiu um ponto de vista trágico, no qual se insere Maquiavel e que possuirá importantes aspectos comuns com a recuperação do trágico entre os alemães do século XIX. O ponto de vista trágico levou Maquiavel a pensar a república como arena institucional-legal que permite um equilíbrio tenso e criativo entre forças sociais opostas, capaz de canalizar as ambições para o bem comum, fazendo com que a vitalidade expansiva dos cidadãos colabore para a vitalidade expansiva da república. / In the Renaissance, the emergence both of a historical sense that made it possible to regard the Ancients according to their own standards, and of the notion that it would be necessary to emulate them resulted not only in a humanist attitude, i.e. the predominant disposition at that time, which emphasized the power of human freedom over the whims of Fortune. It also brought to light a tragic point of view, in which Machiavelli partakes, which will have important common traits with the retrieval of the tragic among the XIX century Germans. The tragic point of view lead Machiavelli to think the Republic as a legal-institutional arena which allows a taut and creative equilibrium between opposite social forces, capable of directing the aspirations for the common good, making the expansive vitality of the citizens collaborate with the expansive vitality of the Republic.

A proposta desta dissertação é analisar a teoria da justiça republicana de Philip Pettit. Isso exige, inicialmente, o desenvolvimento de sua concepção de liberdade como não dominação, central para o modelo de republicanismo do autor. A partir deste concepção de liberdade, é possível a formulação de uma concepção de justiça republicana, a qual permite o desenvolvimento de instituições políticas destinadas a maximizar a não dominação nas relações entre os cidadãos e nas relações destes com o próprio Estado. Com referência às relações entre os cidadãos, Pettit apresenta instituições nacionais voltadas à infraestrutura, seguridade e defesa. Já as relações dos cidadãos com o Estado levam Pettit a formular uma teoria republicana da democracia, a qual possui um caráter tanto participativo quanto contestatório. Além disso, acreditamos que a teoria da justiça de Pettit, para se mostrar relevante no âmbito da teoria política normativa contemporânea, deve ser comparada com o liberalismo-igualitário de John Rawls, o qual ocupa posição de destaque neste debate. Assim, defenderemos o republicanismo de Philip Pettit como uma alternativa ao liberalismo de matriz rawlsiana, problematizando alguns pontos do pensamento deste autor. / The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze Philip Pettits republican theory of justice. This demands, initially, the development of his conception of freedom as nondomination, which is central to his republicanism. From this conception of freedom, its possible to develop a republican conception of justice, which allows us to design institutions encharged of maximizing non-domination on the relationships between citizens and between these citizens and the state. Regarding the relationship between citizens, Pettit develops domestic institutions on the domains of infrastructure, insurance, and insulation. And regarding the relationship between the people and the state, Pettit builds a republican theory of democracy, which has a system of participation and contestation. Besides this, we also believe that Pettits theory of justice, in order to prove its relevance on the contemporary normative political theory, needs to be compared with John Rawls liberal-egalitarianism, a doctrine that has a prominent site on this debate. Therefore, we stand up for Philip Pettits republicanism as a alternative to the Rawlsian republicanism, but also stress some problematic issues on the work of the former.

A influência da Maçonaria no Brasil, ainda é um tema muito pouco estudado pela historiografia. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar mais a fundo qual seria o papel das lojas maçônicas na difusão do movimento republicano na província de São Paulo, entre o final da década de 1860 e 1889, em meio à expansão cafeeira e a formação de uma nova elite econômica que desejava maior representação política. A partir da queda do gabinete de Zacarias de Góes, em 1868, houve a formação do Partido Republicano Paulista (PRP). Nesse período, era criada a Loja América, importante centro difusor das idéias republicanas na província, dela fizeram parte importantes figuras do movimento republicano, como Américo Brasiliense, Américo de Campos e Rangel Pestana. Analisou-se como a Maçonaria se comportou diante das principais questões do período, como o republicanismo, o debate abolicionista e a Questão Religiosa. E principalmente, como a difusão das lojas maçônicas pelo Oeste Paulista contribuiu para a criação e o fortalecimento das redes clientelares que formavam a base política do PRP em seus anos iniciais. / The influence of Freemasonry in Brazil, is still a topic too little studied by historiography. The aim of this study is to analyze more deeply what is the role of the Masonic lodges in the dissemination of the Republican movement in the province of Sao Paulo, between end of the 1860 and 1889, during the coffee economic expansion and the formation of a new economic elite who wished to greater political representation. From the end of the ministry of Zacarias de Goes in 1868 there was formation of the Republican Party of São Paulo (PRP). During this period, was created the Lodge América, an important center for disseminating ideas of republicans in the province, it took part in important figures of the republican movement as Américo Brasiliense, Americo de Campos and Rangel Pestana. Analyzed how Freemasonry has behaved in front of the main issues of the period, such as republicanism, the abolitionist debate and the Religious Question. And especially, how the spread of Masonic lodges across the West Paulista contributed to the creation and strengthening of clientelist networks that formed the political basis of the PRP in its early years.

European citizenship is a concept whose importance has increased since it was introduced in the Maaastricht Treaty. One significant actor, perhaps the most significant actor, for making EU-citizenship into more than a symbolic concept. However, the Court has been criticised, most notably by Fritz Scharpf (2009), for undermining national sovereignty and legitimacy of the Member States and strenghtening the EU’s liberal character, at expense of the republican element in national democracies. This study takes a stand against Scharpf’s portayal of the EU-as an extremely liberal polity by examining six of the Court’s rulings on Union citizenship. It  answers  the  research question:  how closely does  the  EU-citizenship  align with either a  republican or liberal  understanding of citizenship? The results points towards a greater presence of republican mores in EU-citizenship than one might expect and that the Court takes an active role in strengthening republican elements.

Esta tese se insere no campo da teoria política normativa e tem como tema o estudo do debate sobre o conceito de liberdade. Nossa proposta consiste em analisar o conceito de liberdade como não interferência, de Isaiah Berlin; o conceito de liberdade como não dominação, de Philip Pettit; e a ideia de liberdade construtivista, de Nancy Hirschmann, para assim colocar esses conceitos em relação entre si. Objetivamos indicar a possibilidade de diálogo entre as diferentes correntes teóricas apontadas, como também propor uma leitura sobre o conceito de liberdade, para assim ampliarmos o nosso entendimento sobre o que é ser livre. Acreditamos que articular elementos das diferentes teorias pode enriquecer essa reflexão que pretende ser teórico-normativa, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, ambiciona refletir sobre as condições de liberdade para os diferentes sujeitos, tendo em vista as suas vidas nas sociedades contemporâneas e plurais. Nosso argumento é de que o exercício de compreender diferentes visões de liberdade de forma articulada é um caminho profícuo para abordarmos a indagação sobre quem é o sujeito livre. Desse modo, procuramos não apenas retomar criticamente os conceitos dos autores citados, mas também oferecer um possível diálogo entre as distintas concepções de liberdade tratadas nesta tese. Além disso, propomos usar o tema da opressão para articular elementos do pensamento dos três principais autores retomados aqui: Isaiah Berlin, Philip Pettit e Nancy Hirschmann. Defendemos que a ideia de não opressão pode ser uma abordagem teórica e política para discutirmos a liberdade. Tal chave de leitura nos permite pensar não só os espaços de liberdade, mas as diferentes experiências das pessoas. Assim, a liberdade considerada como não opressão relaciona a liberdade com a liberdade de escolha e, ao mesmo tempo, indica a necessidade da não dominação e atenção à construção do sujeito que escolhe. As escolhas se inserem em relações complexas, e a leitura da liberdade pela ideia da opressão é uma ferramenta normativa atenta a importantes aspectos políticos dessas escolhas / This thesis belongs to normative political theory field and has as its theme the study of the debate on the concept of freedom. Our proposal is to analyze Isaiahs Berlins concept of freedom as non-interference, Philip Pettits concept of freedom as nondomination, and Nancy Hirschmanns idea of constructivist freedom, and thereby to put these concepts in relation to each other. We intend not only to indicate the possibility of a dialogue between these different theoretical views, but also to propose a new way of developing the concept of freedom in order to expand our understanding of what is to be free. We believe that the articulation of elements taken from different theories can enrich this reflection that intends to be theoreticalnormative, but at the same time aspires to reflect about the conditions of freedom of the different subjects regarding their lives in plural and contemporary societies. Our argument is that the exercise of understanding different views of freedom in an articulated manner is a fruitful way to approach the question of who is the free subject. Thus, we not only approach critically the concepts of these authors, but we also offer a possible dialogue between the different conceptions of freedom treated in this thesis. In addition, we propose to use the theme of oppression to articulate elements of the thoughts of the three main authors discussed on this thesis: Isaiah Berlin, Philip Pettit and Nancy Hirschmann. We defend that the idea of non oppression, can be a theoretical and political approach to discuss freedom. This key of reading allow us to think not only spaces of freedom, but the different experiences of people. Thus, freedom considered as non oppression relates freedom to freedom of choice and, at the same time, indicates the necessity of non domination and attention to the construction of the choosing subject. The choices are embedded in complex relationships, and reading freedom by the idea of non oppression is a normative tool aware of important political aspects of these choices

Neste trabalho examinamos a concepção de sociedade civil no pensamento social e político de Benjamin Franklin, cujas idéias exerceram grande influência na formação da mentalidade do homem do Novo Mundo. Essa mentalidade inaugura um novo modo de conceber a vida em sociedade, exaltando tudo o que se opõe aos valores da velha ordem. Contra o princípio da honra, os títulos de nobreza e a posição social dos indivíduos, ela exalta a virtude republicana, celebra o trabalho e reclama o respeito à dignidade humana, intrínseca a todos os homens independente da sua condição de nascimento. Não por acaso, virtude e trabalho aparecem como categorias centrais no pensamento de Benjamin Franklin. Longe de degradante, ele entendia o trabalho como energia vital do homem e expressão de sua liberdade. Além de ser um meio para obtenção da riqueza, o trabalho servia também para promover a virtude na medida em que libertava o homem da condição de pobreza, servilismo e dependência da boa vontade dos outros. A tese aí era de que o homem não pode ser considerado verdadeiramente livre se não for, ao mesmo tempo, politicamente livre e economicamente independente. Nesse sentido, sua concepção de sociedade se apresenta articulada com princípios que remontam a uma antiga tradição. É principalmente no ideal da civitas libera, ou Estado livre, que ela se inspira. Esse ideal havia predominado na Roma republicana de Tito Lívio, foi revivido e adaptado no renascimento italiano, sobretudo por Machiavel, e retomado no século XVII pelos defensores da causa republicana inglesa. No século XVIII, essa influência chegou até as colônias inglesas na América e teve em Franklin um dos seus principais representantes. / In this work we inspect the conception of civil society in the social and political ideas of Benjamin Franklin, which exerted large influence on the mentality constitution of the New World´s man. This mentality had initiated a new way to conceive the life in society exalting all that opposed the values of the old order. Against the principle of honor, the nobility titles, and the individual social position it exalts the republican virtue, celebrates the work, and claims respect for human dignity inherent to all men, not depending on their birth condition. Not by chance, virtue and work appears like central categories in the ideas of Benjamin Franklin. Far from conceiving it as shameful, he comprehended the work as the man´s vital energy and expression of his freedom. More than a way to obtain wealth, the work also attended to promote the virtue once it released man from the poverty and servility condition as much as from the dependence of the others good will. This theses utters that man couldn´t be considered free if he wasn´t at the same time politically free and economic independent. In this way, his conception of society seems articulated with doctrines that ascend an ancient tradition. It is mainly inspired by the ideal of civitas libera or the Free State. This ideal had predominated in the Republican Rome of Tito Livio, and then was relived and adapted by the Italian Renascence, mainly by Machiavelli, and was recovered by the defenders of the English republican cause, in the seventeenth century. This influence came to the English colonies in America in the eighteenth century, and it had in Franklin one of its main representatives.

A la fin du 18ème siècle, les Etats-Unis inaugurent les révolutions fondatrices ou refondatrices, directement inspirée des Lumières et ayant dialoguées par-delà l’Atlantique. La période révolutionnaire a vue une élite politique nouvelle aux prises avec la nécessité de bâtir un «ordre nouveau», c'est-à-dire de créer un gouvernement et de définir le rapport au monde de ce nouvel Etat. Cette quête a amené les acteurs politiques de la révolution à chercher un modèle politique différent de celui, dominant, des monarchies absolues. L’idée de république s’impose dès la déclaration d’indépendance. En effet, les Lumières avaient redécouvert le républicanisme qui pouvait incarner l’espoir d’un ordre politique réformé. Cependant, les républiques classiques et les exemples contemporains confirment l’idée alors partagée par tous qu’une république ne peut être qu’une petite entité politique au sein de laquelle vit une population restreinte d’hommes libres et où les différences sociales sont relativement faibles. Non seulement cette petite taille des républiques était-elle un phénomène empirique mais elle semblait être une loi d’airain. Depuis la reformulation du dilemme républicain par Machiavel, l’idée qu’une république ne puisse pas être libre et étendue faisait consensus. Cette première république moderne, fille des Lumières pacifistes, a pourtant mené une expansion quasi-continentale. Comment cette petite république à la périphérie du monde pouvait-elle réconcilier sa volonté de rompre avec les tentations hégémoniques et son désir de puissance ? Comment pouvait-elle s’étendre tout en préservant sa liberté républicaine ? Nous avons formulé l’hypothèse que la réponse à ces questions se trouve dans une redéfinition des principes et des méthodes de leur politique étrangère. Afin de minimiser les risques de corruption de la république, les acteurs de la révolution ont cherché à mettre en place une politique étrangère républicaine fondée sur les idées des Lumières. Cette hypothèse nous a mené à articuler notre travail autour de trois axes de recherche : le premier portant sur la théorie politique internationale, le second sur le débat idéologique autour de la politique étrangère et le troisième sur les institutions de prise de décision et de mise en œuvre de cette politique étrangère. Ces trois axes sont reliés par les idées qui forment la structure intellectuelle des débats entre les acteurs ainsi que les déterminants de la création institutionnelle. C’est là le cœur de notre thèse. En faisant appel à la méthodologie originale développée par Pierre Rosanvallon, qu’il décrit comme une histoire conceptuelle du politique, nous avons tout d’abord procédé à une étude du cadre intellectuel de la révolution américaine en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la philosophie des relations internationales par une analyse de la contribution de Montesquieu à la théorie politique internationale. La thèse porte ensuite sur les débats révolutionnaires, la tension entre les idéologies des Lumières telles qu’illustrées par la pensée de Montesquieu et le désir d’expansion territoriale ou de grandeur des acteurs de la révolution. Nous avons choisi de consacrer notre étude aux élites, non pas que nous ne considérions pas l’histoire sociale digne d’intérêt mais nous avons postulé que dans cette phase de bouleversement politique, ce sont les élites politiques qui ont joué le rôle déterminant. Enfin, la troisième partie de la thèse consiste en une étude du cadre constitutionnel, législatif et institutionnel de la politique étrangère républicaine issue de l’interaction entre la structure intellectuelle des Lumières et son interprétation par les acteurs. Ainsi, notre analyse des idées, des acteurs et des institutions de la république américaine nous a permis de contribuer d’une part à la théorie des relations internationales en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la politique internationale au cours du 18ème siècle et d’autre part à l’histoire des idées politiques en étendant son champ aux questions internationales. Cela nous a permis également de mettre en lumière le lien étroit entre la structure idéelle, les intérêts et les stratégies des acteurs et la création des institutions politiques.

Scholarly accounts of the history of civic virtue in the modern era have with few exceptions been wholly secular, discounting, ignoring, or even outright rejecting the role religious thought has played in shaping the civic tradition. In this dissertation, I focus on the influence of religion on the civic tradition, specifically in the eighteenth century in Scotland and America. I examine the ways in which the religious traditions of each nation shaped the debate surrounding the viability of civic virtue, the place of religious virtues among the civic tradition, and the tensions between using religion to promote civic virtue while protecting individual religious liberty. In the Scottish Enlightenment, I examine the influence of Francis Hutcheson’s moral sense philosophy and Adam Ferguson’s providential theology. In the American Founding, I contrast the New England religious tradition exemplified by John Witherspoon and John Adams with the public religious tradition advocated by Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. This work demonstrates not only that religion influences the civic tradition, but also that this influence is neither monolithic nor self-evident. In order to understand how religion shaped this tradition, it is necessary to take into account that different conceptions of religion produce different understandings of what it means to be a good citizen.

The purpose of this thesis is to explore contemporary communitarian thinker Michael J. Sandel¡¦s political philosophy concerning one that realizes the importance of ¡§virtue¡¨ and ¡§ends¡¨ in citizenship and the state. I argue that although Sandel is often known as one of the most compelling critics of John Rawls¡¦ justice theory, his more ambitious commitment since 1984 is to provide a vision about the nature and aim of political life through insights of civic republicanism. The goal of this essay is to sort out Sandel¡¦s perspectives on these normative statements. Introducing from the debates between justice and the good in ethics, I explain what motivates me to write this essay and briefly describe the framework and approach of the thesis. In the second chapter, I elaborate Sandel¡¦s philosophical anthropology. Different from Rawls¡¦ the conception of human, Sandel¡¦s version is one with moral disposition¡X¡Xthat is to say, at the moment when we ask ourselves ¡§ who am I¡H¡¨, it comes to the answer that we are constitutive beings, rather than unencumbered selves from nowhere. Only when an agent is capable of self-reflection and recognizing how self is situated can self-knowledge and political practices possible. In short, only in a political community can spirit of citizenship be realized. In chapter three, I trace Sandel¡¦s argument and point out the fact that the theory and practice of contemporary liberalism has practically become a synonym to procedural republic. It is presented not only the ideas of ¡§rights as trumps¡¨ and neutral state, but also revealed by the erosion of community and the loss of self-government. Therefore, how to rebuild moral life in modern democratic practices has become an important task for people of our time. Following the political tradition of republicanism in American history, Sandelian republicanism, inherence of Aristotlian perfectionism, stresses the importance of political community as a whole to cultivate civic virtue. So I discuss the meaning of freedom/liberty and self-government. Through above discussions, I try to reveal Sandel¡¦s idea of democracy that insists conserving certain conceptions of the good, common ends and substantial moral contents in political life. In chapter four, I deal with how Sandel respond to the tension between republicanism and liberalism. From communitarianism to republicanism, I am persuaded that the core of Sandel¡¦s philosophy lies in the idea of citizenship and the ends of state. Civic virtues are so intrinsic to political life and will help to lead us to a good life. State or government shouldn¡¦t just be neutral but should play a role in developing good citizens. In final chapter, I concluded that Sandel¡¦s concerns to community and citizen and his republican ideals revive an yet long forgotten tradition in democratic thoughts.

Abstract The eighteenth century is doubtlessly an astonishing chapter in human history. Following America¡¦s independence that brought the first new democratic country to the world, the French Revolution further aroused tremendous political effects all over Europe, shocked the foundation of feudalism, and announced the advent of democratic era. Confronted with all these historical impacts, Tocqueville has achieved profound understanding and retrospection on the inevitable prevalence of democracy. The concept of liberty plays a very important role in Tocqueville¡¦s theory. As the wave of democracy crashed outmoded institution of feudalism, it also caused people to grow assimilated, or even philistine. In light of this, Tocqueville proposed that, in order to preclude domination and slavery, people should more actively grasp their liberty and develop the habitude and spirit of participating public affairs. Therefore, township and jury system in American tradition, as well as individual activities of organizing secondary civil groups through gilds, are highly regarded by Tocqueville with democratic connotation. From this viewpoint, Tocqueville¡¦s great expectation on liberty is essentially different from ¡§human¡¦s liberty from interference¡¨ of contractarian liberalism but is in harmony with the conventional idea of people¡¦s ¡§agency¡¨ in republicanism. This connotation of liberty, however, doesn¡¦t imply clashes without limit but suggests reasonable and restrained political participation within the schema of stable political institution. Thus, the concept echoes the conventional appreciation upon institution in roman republicanism. The researcher regards the integration of the aforementioned two aspects as ¡§liberty of institutional republicanism¡¨. This research intends to embody the republicanism value in Tocqueville¡¦s theory with an expectation to broaden the definition of his thought.