Throughout 2013 the governments of the Austrian Republic and United States of America celebrated the 175th anniversary of diplomatic relations between them. This date marks the accreditation of ambassadors in 1838 but obscures the sixty-year prehistory, begun when the first American envoy reached Vienna in 1778. The Habsburg Monarchy became the last European Great Power to recognise the United States, but the reasons behind this also have eighteenth-century origins. The United States and the successor states to the Habsburg Monarchy, therefore, share a much longer, more complex and deeply entangled history stretching back to the American Revolution. This dissertation focuses on how and why attempts to formalise relations failed between these two states in the revolutionary and post-revolutionary period, something which, until now, has received little historical attention. This dissertation uncovers a neglected but illuminating story of US-Habsburg relations between 1763- 1789. In doing so it demonstrates the evolving nature of early modern diplomacy and the wider international struggle of the American founding. In both regards, this dissertation argues the economic motivation of economic agents and the role of personalities were the new and instrumental factors. What follows is a new history of the broader, much deeper impact of the American Revolution and the transatlantic entanglements of the Habsburg Monarchy. A history of a relationship which looks beyond 'desk diplomacy' and towards a more holistic interpretation of the attempted relations between unlikely states. To this end, this dissertation relies upon a broad base of archival material from personal papers to quantative data from both sides of the Atlantic.

O trabalho apresenta inicialmente os conceitos clássicos de rolamento (sem escorregamento e sem pivotamento) de uma superfície sobre outra usando os triedros de Darboux das duas superfícies ao longo das respectivas curvas de contato. Mostra, ainda, a equivalência desses conceitos com outras definições. A seguir, estuda-se a controlabilidade no problema do rolamento de uma esfera sobre uma superfície S de revolução, tanto no caso de rolar sem escorregar como no caso de não escorregar e não pivotar; a controlabilidade visa determinar a atingibilidade entre dois 'estados' da esfera (posição em S e orientação), isto é, de elementos do espaço das configurações S×SO(3). Na seqüência, estabelecem-se condições nos controles para que os rolamentos sem escorregamento e sem pivotamento ocorram sobre geodésicas de S e obtém-se, também, a controlabilidade nesta situação. Finalmente, verifica-se que, quando S é um plano, 3 ou 4 rolamentos retilíneos, sem escorregamento e sem pivotamento, são suficientes para garantir a atingibilidade entre dois “estados" da esfera. / This work starts by presenting the classical concepts of rolling (without slipping and without slipping or twisting) of a surface over another one, using the Darboux referential frames of the two surfaces along their contact curves. It shows the equivalence between these concepts with other definitions. In the sequel one studies the controllability in the rolling problem of a ball over a surface of revolution S, including both: the non slipping and the non slipping or twisting cases; controllability aims to determine the reachability between two 'states'of the ball (position on S and orientation), that is, two elements of the configuration space S × SO(3). It follows by establishing conditions on controls in order that the rollings occur along geodesics of S and by studying the controllability in this situation. Finally, it is shown that if S is the plane, 3 or 4 retilinear moves without slipping or twisting are enough to guarantee reachability between two states of the ball.

I am a utilitarian. Art is part of my necessity. My sink's plumbing is disconnected to remind Simone and I of water, of use. I empty the bucket to flush. The task of grey water collection system is on the "to do" list for the next house. `Real time' laundry awaits a hanging. I'll not let the paper pulp ferment for I practice elsewhere everyday. I follow the suns. Always a painter doing the dishes rooted in this moment deep with homemaking, child rearing. Parenting, Puppetry, Poetry and Papermaking, all quiet revolt. Documentation of the subjected female experience is imbedded in my work's pace, material and nature. The drawing, the movement of my hand, binding, wrapping, arranging represents the containment of the resilient gliding spirit. I operate in opposition to the capitalist, militaristic age. I respond through the expanded painter's tradition. The landscape genre is among the origins of my formal training and now expands to include a land ethic. I interpret the history, economics and contemporary patterns of human migration as I move between my public and private spaces.

Malgré la distance entre ces deux mouvements révolutionnaires, est-européens et du monde arabe, le constitutionnalisme a été le moyen immédiat pour sortir du chaos révolutionnaire. Dans ces deux parties du monde, à deux périodes différentes, les peuples révolutionnaires ont choisi d’adopter des Constituons afin d’instaurer des régimes politiques démocratiques.Si le constitutionnalisme a été le dénominateur commun que les peuples révolutionnaires ont utilisé pour instaurer leurs nouveaux régimes politiques qu’ils souhaitent démocratiques, pour autant, la singularité de chaque région et de chaque pays s’est imposée lors de la transition, mais également lors de l’adoption des nouvelles Constitutions. Déjà, il suffit d’observer la situation de la Pologne, de la Roumanie, de l’Égypte et de la Tunisie pour constater que la voie empruntée pour adopter un nouveau régime politique dépend nécessairement du contexte national dans lequel la transition est engagée.Néanmoins, la démocratie ne se décrète pas comme nous avons eu l’occasion de le voir en Europe de l’Est. Les États postcommunistes, notamment la Pologne et la Roumanie, tergiversent encore sur le chemin de la démocratisation. Les États arabes trouveront sur le chemin de la démocratisation certainement les mêmes défis. Quelques années après le « printemps arabe », la Tunisie, et encore davantage l’Égypte, vacillent sur le chemin risqué de la démocratisation. / Despite the distance between these two revolutionary movements: East European and the Arab world, constitutionalism was the immediate way out of the revolutionary chaos. In these two parts of the world, at two different periods, the revolutionary peoples have chosen to adopt Constitutions in order to establish democratic political regimes. While constitutionalism has been the common denominator that revolutionary peoples have used to create their new democratic political regimes, the singularity of each region and country has emerged during the transition of the adoption of the new Constitutions. It is simply enough to observe the situation in Poland, Romania, Egypt and Tunisia to find that the path taken to adopt a new political regime necessarily depends on the national context in which the transition is initiated. Nevertheless, democracy cannot be decreed as we have seen in Eastern Europe. The post-communist states, notably Poland and Romania, are still on the path of democratization and the Arab States will find the same challenges on the road to democratization. A few years after the "Arab spring" occurred, Tunisia and particularly Egypt falter on the risky path of democratization.

This thesis examines the turn to conflict in Syria during 2011 to see if it is revolutionary in nature and if so, why has it not succeeded? This thesis aims to analyze the anatomy of Syria's "revolution" in order to determine the causes behind the initial popular mobilization and transition to conflict. Then, further analysis of the essential elements of successful revolutionary movements will be undertaken to reveal what conditions remain unmet for Syria to culminate in a full revolutionary transformation. Special attention will be paid to the revolutionary Opposition itself, since, to date, it has proved unable to generate the power necessary to destroy the old order and rebuild a new system. The significant role of external intervention will also be addressed, since these forces have simultaneously helped cause the conflict, prolong the conflict and prop up the regime. Finally, the negative consequences of undertaking a revolutionary process, especially when left only partially complete, will be highlighted throughout the study. Syria's own "rise of the radicals," has manifested itself in the phenomenon of ISIL or ISIS, which has proven the strongest and most violent Opposition group to emerge from Syria's revolutionary environment.

Rural-urban differentials in fertility behaviour are neither new nor surprising, but a difference of over four children per woman as observed between rural Ethiopia and the country's national capital, Addis Ababa, in 1990 is rare, possibly unique. Reported fertility in Addis Ababa in 1990 was about 2.6 children per woman. By the mid-1990s, it declined further to 1.8 children per woman. This study investigates the dimensions, components and causes of this remarkable reproductive change. ¶ The study specifically asks and seeks to answer the following questions. Is the decline real, or is it merely an illusion created by faulty reporting? If it is real, how has it come about? Did it result from a change in the onset of reproduction or a decline in the proportion of women reaching high parities or both? And in what context has such a fundamental, even revolutionary, change taken place in a country and a continent that are mostly yet to join the global transition to a small family-size norm. ¶ Data for the study were drawn from two national population censuses, undertaken in 1984 and 1994, two fertility surveys, conducted in 1990 and 1995, and a number of supplementary sources, including a qualitative study conducted by the investigator. Results from the study confirm that the trend of declining fertility and the recent fall to below-replacement-level are indeed real. As the analysis shows the decline was largely driven by changes in the marriage pattern, and supplemented by the increased propensity of fertility control observed across all birth orders and age groups. All socio-economic groups in the city have had a decline in cohort fertility and this was brought about both by shifts in population composition (a composition effect) and increased intensity of fertility control within each group (a rate effect). The institutional and cultural factors that are believed to have prompted these changes are discussed in the thesis in some detail.

In this thesis, I examine the radical political views and activism of Thomas Beddoes, a late eighteenth century chemist and physician. A multifaceted man, Beddoes corresponded with many of Britains leading industrial and intellectual lights, especially members of the Lunar Society, had a brief career as an Oxford lecturer, devised air delivery apparatus with James Watt, and wrote extensively to distribute useful medical knowledge to the public and argue for medical reform, all the while attracting the ire of the government and scientific community for his outspoken, radical, republican politics. <br><br> I track Beddoes career as a Friend of Liberty, set within the context of the British reform movement, from 1792, when he began involving himself publicly in agitation, to 1797, when the death-knell of the British reform movement sounded and the French Revolution seemed to have utterly failed. In doing so, I seek to determine to what extent Beddoes was a radical, a revolutionary, and a fifth-column threat to the British, whether or not his ideology was in any regard the product of his science, and what the nature of his radicalism and the lineage of his ideas can tell us about the intellectual culture of his era. <br><br> I conclude that Beddoes fiery rhetoric belies an otherwise moderate and pacific approach to political change, based in British Enlightenment ideas rather than emerging science. The republic, rather than a goal to be achieved through violent overthrow, was simply the only logical organization for a society of innately equal citizens, a fact he believed obvious to the enlightened mind. He defended the French Revolution while he could still cast it as a moderate endeavor led by rational men, but, like so many of its early British supporters, grew disillusioned as France descended into mob violence and the tyranny of Robespierre. Following the Priestley Riots of 1791, he harboured deep fears of a sans-culotte-like British mob, which threatened not only the Church and King, but the interests and liberty of those men like Joseph Priestley and James Watt who were generating valuable knowledge and industry around him. <br><br> My analysis supports Roy Porters theory of a unique British Enlightenment, a social fermentation which emphasized Lockean personal liberty, improvement, and private property (which evolved into the laissez-faire economics of Adam Smith and David Hume), and which was, critically, defensive of liberties already gained. Beddoes constellation of political, religious, scientific, and economic influences reflect the characteristic Englishness of the enlightenment culture around him, distinct particularly from France, and helps illustrate the links between scientific and political ideas in the late Enlightenment.

In this thesis, I examine the radical political views and activism of Thomas Beddoes, a late eighteenth century chemist and physician. A multifaceted man, Beddoes corresponded with many of Britains leading industrial and intellectual lights, especially members of the Lunar Society, had a brief career as an Oxford lecturer, devised air delivery apparatus with James Watt, and wrote extensively to distribute useful medical knowledge to the public and argue for medical reform, all the while attracting the ire of the government and scientific community for his outspoken, radical, republican politics. <br><br> I track Beddoes career as a Friend of Liberty, set within the context of the British reform movement, from 1792, when he began involving himself publicly in agitation, to 1797, when the death-knell of the British reform movement sounded and the French Revolution seemed to have utterly failed. In doing so, I seek to determine to what extent Beddoes was a radical, a revolutionary, and a fifth-column threat to the British, whether or not his ideology was in any regard the product of his science, and what the nature of his radicalism and the lineage of his ideas can tell us about the intellectual culture of his era. <br><br> I conclude that Beddoes fiery rhetoric belies an otherwise moderate and pacific approach to political change, based in British Enlightenment ideas rather than emerging science. The republic, rather than a goal to be achieved through violent overthrow, was simply the only logical organization for a society of innately equal citizens, a fact he believed obvious to the enlightened mind. He defended the French Revolution while he could still cast it as a moderate endeavor led by rational men, but, like so many of its early British supporters, grew disillusioned as France descended into mob violence and the tyranny of Robespierre. Following the Priestley Riots of 1791, he harboured deep fears of a sans-culotte-like British mob, which threatened not only the Church and King, but the interests and liberty of those men like Joseph Priestley and James Watt who were generating valuable knowledge and industry around him. <br><br> My analysis supports Roy Porters theory of a unique British Enlightenment, a social fermentation which emphasized Lockean personal liberty, improvement, and private property (which evolved into the laissez-faire economics of Adam Smith and David Hume), and which was, critically, defensive of liberties already gained. Beddoes constellation of political, religious, scientific, and economic influences reflect the characteristic Englishness of the enlightenment culture around him, distinct particularly from France, and helps illustrate the links between scientific and political ideas in the late Enlightenment.

Abstract: The aim of this study is to investigate the attitudes towards the labour movement’s strategies, goals and organisational issues in Swedish Miners’ Union’s (Gruvindustriarbetareförbundet, hereafter Gruv) paper, Gruvarbetaren 1917-1925. The theoretical starting point is Engels’ view on the class state. This perspective turns the question of socialism and the way to get there into an issue of working class power over the state. Another theoretical perspective is the partition of the labour movement into a trade-unionistic branch, seeing unions as financial organisations of interest, and a pro-state one, considering unions as political organisations. During the period investigated Gruvarbetaren was quite radical and advocated a firm class struggle strategy towards employers. Since these were considered unreliable, class struggle was seen as the only way to better the conditions for the working class. The solution to the workers’ problems was by the paper considered to be socialism. In accordance with Engels’ view the working class would have to attain power over the state in order to reach that goal due to the class oppressive nature of the capitalist state. This power should preferably be conquered by way of revolution where the capitalist state was remodelled into a socialist one rather than through reforms. In this process the trade unions should take an active, political, part according to the paper and thus it can be placed in the pro-state branch of the labour movement. Especially during the years around 1920 it was clear that Gruvarbetaren wanted unions to develop into revolutionary organisations.

The premise of this dissertation is straight-forward – the U.S., as hegemon, acts unilaterally given the power disparity between it and the rest of the world. In solving the puzzle of why presidents make the “wrong” decision to act alone, I organize international conflict literature along traditional lines – international and domestic explanations – and use Gilpin’s (1981) hegemonic stability theory to test a theory of unilateral use of force decision making. In order to overcome a lack of scientific study on unilateralism, I devise a definition and coding rules for unilateral use of force, develop a sequential model of presidential use of force decision making, and construct a new, alternative measure of military power, a Composite Indicator of Military Revolutions (CIMR). I then use three methods – a statistical test with a heckman probit model, an experiment, and case studies – to test U.S. crisis behavior since 1937. I find that presidents are realists and make an expected utility calculation to act unilaterally or multilaterally after their decision to use force. The unilateral decision, in particular, positively correlates with a wide military gap vis-à-vis an opponent, an opponent located in the Western hemisphere, and a national security threat.