No abstract available. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

In the years approaching President F.W. De Klerk’s announcement in 1990 that South Africa’s policies would be reformed a number of the right wing groups realised that apartheid would come to an end. This dissertation deals with one response, by the Boere-Vryheidsbeweging (Boer Freedom Movement). By setting up a settlement styled as a ‘growth point for Afrikaner self-determination’ in Pretoria’s eastern hinterland, in 1992, the movement hoped to avert what its numbers saw as eventual black majority rule. The aim of this study is to probe what has become of this settlement roughly 20 years after the transition to full democracy in 1994. The following questions were used as a guideline to this end: (i) On what legal basis has the settlement’s property been occupied?; (ii) Who are the people who moved to the settlement over time?; (iii) How have they generated the capital with which to develop the settlement?; (iv) What is the character of their relationship with each other?; and (v) How have they dealt with external authorities such as the state, province and local municipality? The findings of this study show that the settlement of Kleinfontein has been kept as a set of undivided properties and that none of the residents have individual title. They occupy the settlement by internal agreement alone, and there is no acknowledgement by either the state or private institutions of the internal divisions that have been made. Over time, the founders of the settlement managed to attract two categories of people to live there. The first comprised relatively old lower middle-class people who moved in because of the settlement’s affordability and peacefulness. The second consisted of working age middle-class people with professional jobs who moved in for reasons to do with the ideology of Afrikaner self-determination. As the movement of the second category of people into the settlement accelerated, internal disagreements developed between them and the first category of people, and the settlement as a whole eventually became so paralysed by the conflict that few people have chosen to move there since. The disagreements mainly revolved around the fact that the professionals wanted to transform the settlement so that it meets the middle-class standards found in major South African cities. The lack of consensus eventually resulted in several conflicts with the state, placing a question mark over the settlement’s continued existence in post-apartheid South Africa. / Dissertation (MSocSci)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / tm2015 / Anthropology and Archaeology / MSocSci / Unrestricted

The realisation of the right to food in South Africa is characterised by some stark realities. While there is social security structure and large productive agriculture sector ensuring national food security, more than 14 million South Africans are chronically hungry. Given that access to food is an important legal and political issue in South Africa, it is important to understand the various factors, which enable or hinder the state‘s effort to eradicate chronic hunger. A major problem identified is the incoherence in government‘s policies, which on the one hand, supports the promotion of the right to food, yet, act to undermine it at the same time. This problem can be grouped under two headings. First, inadequate and fragmented food security polices, and poor implementation of these policies. Second, the exclusion of large sections of low-income groups from government‘s social protection programmes, which has negative implications for many women, men, and children who have an insufficient supply of calories. The impact of chronic hunger and malnutrition on these individuals include heightened vulnerability to illness, stunted growth among children, serious mental and physical effects among children, and in some cases death. This thesis explores the factors that explain the limited mobilisation around the realisation of the right to food in South Africa despite widespread chronic hunger. It considered various strategies to achieve a change in policy and legislation including lobbying and litigation. The thesis further explored why South Africa, which is riddled with numerous social protests rarely experiences food protests. Social protest, as used here, consists of struggles or resistance against government actions or inactions. The thesis identified various factors that have contributed to and acted as a hindrance against food protest in various jurisdictions and examined how these factors have prevented widespread food protest in South Africa. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Centre for Human Rights / DPhil / Unrestricted

Doctor Legum - LLD / Many of the disadvantaged groups which are impacted by a high burden of poverty and are thereby food insecure in South Africa, have over the years received attention from the government, resulting in many interventionist schemes to guarantee their right to food. These include for instance, social grants for children, the disabled and the elderly, as well as school meals for primary and high school students. Unfortunately, one of such groups has hitherto received little or no attention -that is, students in South African tertiary institutions. Food insecurity among students in tertiary institutions links back to the trajectory of poverty- students in tertiary institutions are food insecure mainly because they come from homes which are food insecure. This is proven in the disparity between the numbers and severity of food insecure students in historically advantaged universities and historically disadvantaged universities in South Africa.

This thesis tests one of the approaches that analyzes the rise of right-wing populist parties, "the economic crisis" approach. The core idea of this theory is that during an economic crisis, there is a rise of electoral support for the right-wing populist parties. The two case studies which are studied are the (Northern) League in Italy and the National Front/Rally in France. These analyses include a brief history of the said parties, their political profile, and the results in elections after the 2008-2009 financial crisis. As well as data on the profile of supporters of these parties and the reasons why they support these parties, and their views on some of the main political and social issues. From the data confrontation it is shown that there is no correlation between times of economic hardship, and the electoral success of these parties. And what is more important supporters of these parties also emphasize reasons related with identity rather than economic problems for supporting these parties. For economic issues they have a similar perception to the rest of the population. Keywords Populism, right-wing populism, populist parties, economic crisis, elections, identity.

Includes bibliographical references / From 1994 to 2008, South Africa's national government disseminated numerous policies, laws, regulations and strategies to support its objective of providing basic sanitation access to the urban poor by 2014. The state has yet to attain this objective - ostensibly due to poor municipal execution of national policy. This thesis challenges this assessment, as it overlooks how non-municipal actors have shaped implementation and ignores possible weaknesses in policy. After assessing the delivery of sanitation services in Cape Town informal settlements, I found that disputes among municipal implementers, policy beneficiaries and social advocates about broadly framed policy, as well as policy gaps in servicing informal settlements, contributed to the City's failure to achieve national objectives. The local actors'differences and policy gaps necessitated the re-formulation of sanitation policy and programmes in Cape Town according to conflicting rationalities that accommodated the'lived' and 'practical' realities of servicing informal settlements. In light of these circumstances, this thesis argues that there is a disproportionate focus on turning national policy into practise - for this viewpoint misses how policy oftentimes is re-formulated according to local actors' perspectives and experiences. Understanding the complex interplay between policy rationales and implementation realities can contribute to more constructive means of effectively providing sanitation services for South African informal settlements.

The Constitution of Zimbabwe of 2013 does not expressly guarantee every person a right to have access to adequate housing. However, the Government of Zimbabwe has an international legal obligation to achieve the progressive realisation of the right to have access to adequate housing by everyone in the country. This obligation is derived from art 11 (1) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). Zimbabwe is a dualist state and therefore, this obligation is not directly or automatically enforceable as municipal law in Zimbabwe. It can be enforced in domestic courts only if it has been enacted into legislation or if it is entrenched as a constitutional obligation. The absence of a specific constitutional right, guaranteed for everyone to have access to adequate housing, thus raises the concern that the government may not be held accountable, in the domestic courts, to comply with its international legal obligation to ensure that everyone enjoys access to adequate housing. There is a national housing crisis in Zimbabwe that is characterised by an acute shortage of adequate housing, mass forced evictions and unfair discrimination in the allocation of housing facilities by government. There is therefore an existing need to compel government to comply with and fulfil its international legal obligations relating to the right of every person to have access to adequate housing. In the absence of an explicit constitutional guarantee of such a right, it is necessary to find alternative constitutional rights which citizens and individuals in Zimbabwe can rely on to compel Government to comply with and fulfil its international legal obligations that arise from art 11 (1) of the ICESCR. The Constitution of Zimbabwe expressly guarantees for everyone the following rights; the fundamental freedom from arbitrary evictions, the right to life, the right to equality and the children’s right to shelter. The scope of each of these rights can be interpreted broadly to include some of the duties that ordinarily arise from the right to have access to adequate housing. Therefore, these rights can be applied together to enforce the international legal duty of the state to ensure the progressive realisation of the right to have access to adequate housing by everyone in Zimbabwe.

No description available.

A sudden rise in right wing parties has occurred throughout Europe, and this is no exception in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats have gone from a small, extremist party with founders who have roots in nazism and fascism, into the third largest party in Sweden. This study have analyzed articles from 2005, 2006, 2013, 2014, 2018 and 2021 in two of the biggest newspapers in Sweden, Aftonbladet and Expressen in order to discover patterns in media material that showcases how traditional and established media outlets such as the ones mentioned have changed, or not changed, their coverage surrounding The Sweden Democrats. The aim of the study is to analyze the apparent normalization of The Sweden Democrats through frames such as labeling, tonality and topics present in news articles from Aftonbladet and Expressen throughout their rise to power.The research questions were: Quantitative research question: - Has The Sweden Democrats been normalized in Aftonbladet and Expressen from 2005 to 2021 based on labeling, topic and tonality? If so, how? Qualitative research question:- What is the discourse(s) and frames surrounding The Sweden Democrats in Aftonbladet and Expressen in the consecutive years? In order to answer the quantitative research questions, and to fulfill the aim of the study, a content analysis was first done in a large number of articles throughout the years. In order to answer the qualitative research questions, a framing analysis with purposive sampling followed the content analysis, in order to take a closer look into the frames and discourses present in the material throughout the years. The findings of the study showed that there has been a shift in tonality, topics and labeling throughout the years. The findings showcased that the party in the beginning were labeled as extremists, while gradually becoming labeled as neutral and eventually established in the later years. This showcased a normalization of the party in the media throughout their rise in power.

No description available.