考試院為因應政黨政治之來臨，及各界對行政中立之殷切要求，並能確保常任文官之永續發展，爰參考美國、日本等先進民主國家已實施多年之保障制度，建立我國公務人員保障制度，主要目的在使公務人員之合法權益能獲得公正合理之保障，以健全文官制度，並改善機關內部管理，使公務人員勇於任事，進而促進行政革新，提昇行政效能。然而，中西文化及民族性均不同，西方社會強調個人權利、尊重法治，我國則重視人倫秩序、避免衝突；西方人喜好訴訟，中國人則講求和諧；外國的制度有其時空性，與我國的時空不一定能結合，因此改進人事制度，除採取外國制度之所長外，仍應兼顧我國國情，參照歷史上優良傳統精神，配合當前客觀環境情勢，並顧及我國之民情。現行公務人員保障制度之設計是否周密完善、合理可行？公務人員合法權益能否獲得有效保障？公務人員對於我國初創之保障制度的看法與期待為何？值得吾人深入了解、探討與研究。 本文旨在探討我國公務人員權利保障有關事項，除有理論之探析外，並涉及實務之評述。全文共分六章，各章之內容為：第一章緒論，先對本研究作一整體綜合之介紹，包括本研究之動機、目的、方法與限制，並回顧及評述相關研究。第二章闡明公務人員權利保障之理論基礎，論述內容包括公務人員之定義、公務人員與國家關係之演變、保障性政策之法制規範及與權利保障之相關概念。第三章則討論保障制度之內涵，除介紹各國保障制度之概況外，並說明我國現行保障制度之設計，再就我國與各國保障制度之內容比較分析。第四章為保障案例之綜合分析，建制以來保訓會作成保障案件決定書已登載於考試院公報者，自八十六年五月至八十八年五月計有658件，除分析其爭執事由，審議決定理由外，並從「權利救濟」、「人事制度」與「人事政策」等不同觀點分析已發生之保障案件。第五章為調查研究，主要目的在了解我國公務人員權利救濟之實際現況，鑑於最接近問題的人最能了解問題，本研究爰以具有權利救濟經驗之公務人員為主要研究對象，此外，亦包含學者專家及主管機關之意見，調查方式包括問卷調查及深度訪談。第六章為結論，回顧本研究第二章至第五章所討論之內容重點及分析所得，評估現行保障制度實施得失之後，針對我國公務人員保障政策未來發展方向與具體作法提出建議，並就本研究相關主題提出未來進一步研究之展望。 目 錄 第一章 緒論…………………………………………………1 第一節 研究動機與目的…………………………………1 壹 研究動機……………………………………………1 貳 研究目的……………………………………………3 第二節 研究方法與限制…………………………………4 壹 研究方法……………………………………………4 貳 研究限制……………………………………………5 第三節 相關文獻檢閱……………………………………6 壹 相關研究之回顧……………………………………6 貳 相關研究之評述……………………………………7 第四節 研究架構與流程……………………………… 11 壹 研究架構………………………………………… 11 貳 研究流程………………………………………… 11 第二章 公務人員權利保障之理論基礎……………………14 第一節 公務人員與國家之關係……………………… 14 壹 公務人員之定義………………………………… 14 貳 公務人員與國家關係之演變…………………… 18 第二節 保障性政策之法制規範……………………… 21 壹 憲法層面之規定………………………………… 21 貳 人事法制之現況………………………………… 26 第三節 權利保障相關概念之探析…………………… 27 壹 權利保障之意涵………………………………… 28 貳 權利與義務……………………………………… 29 參 保障與淘汰……………………………………… 30 肆 權利保障與行政倫理…………………………… 31 第三章 公務人員保障制度之內涵……………………… 36 第一節 各國公務人員保障制度之概況……………… 36 第二節 我國公務人員保障制度之設計……………… 48 壹 保障機關之成立………………………………… 48 貳 保障法制之規範………………………………… 51 參 保障案件之審理………………………………… 54 第三節 我國與各國保障制度之比較分析…………… 55 壹 就制度設計之周密性而言……………………… 56 貳 就保障機關之獨立性而言……………………… 57 參 就實體保障之完善性而言……………………… 58 肆 就審理程序之民主化而言……………………… 58 第四章 保障案例之綜合分析………………………………60 第一節 保障案例爭執事由之分析………………………60 壹 再復審案件……………………………………… 61 貳 再申訴案件……………………………………… 62 第二節 保障案例決定理由之分析………………………64 壹 撤銷原因分析…………………………………… 65 貳 駁回原因分析…………………………………… 68 第三節 保障案例之側面分析………………………… 70 壹 權利救濟觀點…………………………………… 72 貳 人事制度觀點…………………………………… 73 參 人事政策觀點…………………………………… 73 第五章 調查研究結果與分析………………………………76 第一節 研究緣起…………………………………………76 第二節 問卷調查之過程與結果…………………………77 壹 問卷調查過程…………………………………… 78 貳 問卷調查結果…………………………………… 79 第三節 深度訪談之過程與結果…………………………87 壹 深度訪談過程…………………………………… 87 貳 深度訪談結果…………………………………… 88 第四節 調查研究之檢討分析……………………………98 壹 調查研究之檢討………………………………… 98 貳 調查結果之分析…………………………………100 第六章 結論……………………………………………… 103 第一節 研究發現……………………………………… 103 壹 有關理論基礎部分………………………………103 貳 有關制度內涵部分………………………………104 參 有關案例分析部分………………………………104 肆 有關調查研究部分………………………………105 第二節 政策建議……………………………………… 106 壹 現行制度之評述…………………………………106 貳 未來展望與建議…………………………………112 第三節 後續研究……………………………………… 119 參考書目……………………………………………………121 附錄一 公務人員權利救濟調查問卷…………………… 129 附錄二 調查對象基本資料與調查內容………………… 130 附錄三 公務人員保障暨培訓委員會組織法…………… 170 附錄四 公務人員保障法………………………………… 172 圖 目 次 圖1-1 我國公務人員權利保障法制研究之研究流程 ……12 圖1-2 我國公務人員權利保障法制研究之研究架構 ……13 圖3-1 英國公務人員申訴程序圖………………………… 37 圖3-2 英國公務人員協議及仲裁程序圖………………… 38 圖3-3 美國公務人員申訴程序圖………………………… 40 圖3-4 法國公務人員申訴程序圖………………………… 42 圖3-5 德國公務人員申訴程序圖………………………… 44 圖3-6 日本公務人員申訴程序圖………………………… 46 圖3-7 加拿大公務人員申訴程序圖……………………… 48 圖4-1 三層次分析架構圖………………………………… 72 表 目 次 表1-1 我國公務人員權利保障相關研究摘要一覽表………8 表1-2 我國公務人員權利保障法制研究之思考構想 ……11 表2-1 民主與傳統的行政倫理觀比較表 …………………33 表3-1 保障案件審議決定一覽表 …………………………54 表3-2 我國保訓會與美國功績制保護委員會之比較…… 57 / The examination Yuan of the Republic of China has established the Civil Service Protection System for protecting the rights and interests of public servants in his country. The design of this system is referred to the United States and Japan. However, the backgrounds of these countries and R.O.C. are different. The Civil Service Protection System should be designed to suit for his own culture, and then it could be effective. This research analyzed the main content of the system and to examine how the system operates. The structure of this research is introduced in Chapter 1. We discussed the concept about the right protection of civil servants. The content of the Civil Service Protection System in different countries is explained in Chapter 3. We analyze 658 cases handled since the system was established in 1996. We reviewed and discussed the research on mail, telephone and interview survey in Chapter 5. Based on study findings, suggestions are offered in Chapter 6 to improve the current Civil Service Protection System in the Republic of China.

本研究之目的有四： （一）整理目前我國國會助理工作之特性： 藉由研究來了解國會助理工作之內容及特性為何，進而歸納出國會助理所需之勞動條件。 （二）了解目前我國國會助理勞動之條件： 由於國內多數國會助理研究並未對國會助理各項勞動條件明確予以討論，本研究試圖收集國會助理各項勞動條件，藉以了解國會助理真實的勞動環境情況。 （三）歸納目前我國國會助理勞動之權益： 藉由收集到的資料，分析及討論目前國會助理各項勞動條件之情況，並適時了解國會助理於勞動環境中所面臨之問題。 （四）明白目前我國國會助理勞動權益與條件之間的落差： 在了解國會助理的各項勞動條件後，分析與討論其與現行法令之落差，並提出改善之建議，藉以提升國會助理之勞動條件。 關鍵字:國會助理、勞動權益

<p>The ever increasing regional and global trade competition has manifested itself in a growing number of non-standard forms of employment including the increasing use of &quot / temporary employment services&quot / (or &ldquo / labour brokers&rdquo / as commonly referred to). Labour brokers enter into employment relationships as third parties with client companies to supply employees through a commercial contract. These labour services usually fall outside the regular twoparty contract of employment defined under existing labour laws and thus the employees are not covered by that law. Labour brokers have been labelled as &ldquo / the re-emergence of new apartheid strategy&rdquo / and &ldquo / modern slavery&rdquo / by some quarters in labour sectors of Namibia and South Africa. Trade unions, particularly, have led the most vocal resistance against labour brokers in both countries. They argue that, like previous apartheid contract labour systems, labour brokers today erode standards for decent working conditions and weaken union representations in the workplace. Thus unions have repeatedly sent strong calls to lawmakers to amend existing labour laws and &bdquo / forever put labour broking in its grave where it belong‟1. On the other hand, employers have argued that recent forces of globalisation demand flexible employment strategies and banning labour brokers will make it more difficult for local businesses compete profitably globally via flexible short term employments and can lead to losses of many job opportunities.2 It is against this background that I will argue that current labour laws should be amended to define and regulate labour brokers more closely and compel them to recognise workers rights and conditions as equal as those of standard employees. But first, I will highlight some socio-economic indicators influencing the labour markets in South Africa and Namibia, including the history of worker‟s rights under the contract labour systems in both countries. Second, I will look at some of the expressed exploitive conditions resulting from the use of labour brokers and also look at some reasons why businesses engage labour brokers. Thereafter I will point out some of the reasons why trade unions have called for a total ban on labour brokers. I will then discuss the difficulty of banning labour brokers, including the constitutional challenge in the landmark case of African Personnel Services v Government of the Republic of Namibia3. Lastly i will expand on the ruling by the Namibian Supreme Court of Appeal (NSA) recommending a regulatory approach in line with the International Labour Organisation‟s (ILO) conventions on third-party employments.</p>

<p>The ever increasing regional and global trade competition has manifested itself in a growing number of non-standard forms of employment including the increasing use of &quot / temporary employment services&quot / (or &ldquo / labour brokers&rdquo / as commonly referred to). Labour brokers enter into employment relationships as third parties with client companies to supply employees through a commercial contract. These labour services usually fall outside the regular twoparty contract of employment defined under existing labour laws and thus the employees are not covered by that law. Labour brokers have been labelled as &ldquo / the re-emergence of new apartheid strategy&rdquo / and &ldquo / modern slavery&rdquo / by some quarters in labour sectors of Namibia and South Africa. Trade unions, particularly, have led the most vocal resistance against labour brokers in both countries. They argue that, like previous apartheid contract labour systems, labour brokers today erode standards for decent working conditions and weaken union representations in the workplace. Thus unions have repeatedly sent strong calls to lawmakers to amend existing labour laws and &bdquo / forever put labour broking in its grave where it belong‟1. On the other hand, employers have argued that recent forces of globalisation demand flexible employment strategies and banning labour brokers will make it more difficult for local businesses compete profitably globally via flexible short term employments and can lead to losses of many job opportunities.2 It is against this background that I will argue that current labour laws should be amended to define and regulate labour brokers more closely and compel them to recognise workers rights and conditions as equal as those of standard employees. But first, I will highlight some socio-economic indicators influencing the labour markets in South Africa and Namibia, including the history of worker‟s rights under the contract labour systems in both countries. Second, I will look at some of the expressed exploitive conditions resulting from the use of labour brokers and also look at some reasons why businesses engage labour brokers. Thereafter I will point out some of the reasons why trade unions have called for a total ban on labour brokers. I will then discuss the difficulty of banning labour brokers, including the constitutional challenge in the landmark case of African Personnel Services v Government of the Republic of Namibia3. Lastly i will expand on the ruling by the Namibian Supreme Court of Appeal (NSA) recommending a regulatory approach in line with the International Labour Organisation‟s (ILO) conventions on third-party employments.</p>

Text in Afrikaans / Die studie is onderneem om die wenslikheid van geregtelike beheer wat die Hooggeregshof van Suid-Afrika oor die werksaamhede van staatsdepartemente uitoefen te bepaal. Daar word na die funksies van die Departement van Binnelandse Sake verwys ten einde bepaalde werksaamhede van daardie Departement as voorbeeld te laat dien in die beantwoording van bogestelde vraag. Ter aanvang word voor-unie regeringinstellings en -openbare dienste, die ontstaan van Suid-Afrikaanse staatsdepartemente en die doelgerigtheid van open bare dienste beskryf. Daarna word die wyses waarop beheer oor die werksaamhede van 'n staatsdepartement asook hoe beheer in 'n departement uitgeoefen word, uiteengesit. Nadat die doeltreffendheid en effektiwiteit van bestaande beheer ontleed, en die beheer wat die Hooggeregshof uitoefen van die van ander beheerinstellings onderskei word, word geregtelike beheer en statutere beperkings daarop beskryf. Die studie strek oor 'n tydperk wat eindig op 27 April 1994. Daar is bevind dat geregtelike beheer afsonderlik of tesame met ander wyses van beheer, en sander statutere beperkings daarop, uitgeoefen behoort te word. / The study was undertaken to determine the desirability of judicial control which the Supreme Court of South Africa exercises over the activities of state departments. The functions of the Department of Home Affairs are referred to in order that particular activities of that Department may serve as an example when answering the above-stated question. Initially, government institutions and public services prior to union, the origin of South African state departments and the purpose of public services are described. Thereafter the modes by which control is exercised over the activities of a state department and how control is exercised in a department, are set out. After an analysis of the efficiency and effectiveness of existing control, and the control exercised by the Supreme Court is distinguished from that of other controlling institutions, judicial control and statutory limitations thereon are described. The study covers a period ending on 27 April 1994. It is found that judicial control should be exercised separately or in conjunction with other modes of control, and without statutory limitations. / Public Administration and Management / M.A. (Publieke Administrasie)

Text in Afrikaans / Die studie is onderneem om die wenslikheid van geregtelike beheer wat die Hooggeregshof van Suid-Afrika oor die werksaamhede van staatsdepartemente uitoefen te bepaal. Daar word na die funksies van die Departement van Binnelandse Sake verwys ten einde bepaalde werksaamhede van daardie Departement as voorbeeld te laat dien in die beantwoording van bogestelde vraag. Ter aanvang word voor-unie regeringinstellings en -openbare dienste, die ontstaan van Suid-Afrikaanse staatsdepartemente en die doelgerigtheid van open bare dienste beskryf. Daarna word die wyses waarop beheer oor die werksaamhede van 'n staatsdepartement asook hoe beheer in 'n departement uitgeoefen word, uiteengesit. Nadat die doeltreffendheid en effektiwiteit van bestaande beheer ontleed, en die beheer wat die Hooggeregshof uitoefen van die van ander beheerinstellings onderskei word, word geregtelike beheer en statutere beperkings daarop beskryf. Die studie strek oor 'n tydperk wat eindig op 27 April 1994. Daar is bevind dat geregtelike beheer afsonderlik of tesame met ander wyses van beheer, en sander statutere beperkings daarop, uitgeoefen behoort te word. / The study was undertaken to determine the desirability of judicial control which the Supreme Court of South Africa exercises over the activities of state departments. The functions of the Department of Home Affairs are referred to in order that particular activities of that Department may serve as an example when answering the above-stated question. Initially, government institutions and public services prior to union, the origin of South African state departments and the purpose of public services are described. Thereafter the modes by which control is exercised over the activities of a state department and how control is exercised in a department, are set out. After an analysis of the efficiency and effectiveness of existing control, and the control exercised by the Supreme Court is distinguished from that of other controlling institutions, judicial control and statutory limitations thereon are described. The study covers a period ending on 27 April 1994. It is found that judicial control should be exercised separately or in conjunction with other modes of control, and without statutory limitations. / Public Administration and Management / M.A. (Publieke Administrasie)

The aim of this thesis called "The right to strike and lock-out" is to provide a comprehensive overview of the theory and practice of the right to strike. The thesis is divided into four separate chapters. The first one focuses on the theoretical aspects of the right to strike, a large space is devoted to the species and forms of strikes. The second chapter deals with the strike in the field of international law, in addition to describing the current law seeks to analyze the opinions of the relevant committees of the International Labour Organisation and the Council of Europe. The third chapter focuses on the right to strike in the legislation of the Czech Republic. Attention is paid to the right to strike under the Collective Bargaining Act. The last chapter deals with the right to lockout. The intention is a brief characteristics of this right of employers, as the counterpart of the strike.

O Brasil tem visto um forte processo de judicialização de sua vida pública. Hoje, a Justiça exerce um papel político importante no país, mas é marcada pela ineficiência na solução de disputas e cobrança de créditos. Críticas à expansão desse papel político são, pois, abundantes. Diz-se que (i) geraria instabilidade institucional e um ambiente hostil ao desenvolvimento (crítica institucional); (ii) produziria resultados ilegítimos (preferências judiciais substituiriam decisões majoritárias - crítica de legitimidade) e (iii) resultaria em ações inefetivas, pois o aparato das cortes não é adequado a resolver conflitos policêntricos e prospectivos (crítica instrumental). Este trabalho analisa o processo brasileiro de judicialização e os argumentos centrais da crítica instrumental. Sugere que ela refere-se a um modelo de direito e justiça que está em transformação. No modelo emergente, a justiça distributiva é reintroduzida na dinâmica legal e a administração de interesses sobrepuja, aos poucos, a tutela de direitos. Essas mudanças, mais a judicialização, levam a alterações importantes no processo judicial. Reconhecendo os problemas daí decorrentes, a tese sugere um caráter virtuoso desse novo contencioso de direito público emergente. Ele parece forjar um mecanismo de reforço de participação política que pode avançar a democracia e melhorar condições de igualdade política. / From democratization in the mid 80? on, Brazilian public life has been forced into an increasingly intense process of judicialization. Lack of confidence in representative institutions, a very open-texted charter of social and economic rights, an important political use of the Judiciary by the oppositions, and other related factors seem to be implicated in this. Brazilian justice holds today a considerable political power, but that is just part of a story. It is also astonishingly inefficient as a services provider, and fails to respond to most of its dispute-solving and credit-enforcement functions. Criticism about the expansion of the political role of the Judiciary in this context is profuse. First, it is said to generate institutional instability, which in turn would bring out a hostile environment for economic growth. Second, it is said to be illegitimate, as far as politicized judges may often replace majoritarian decisions by their own. Third, it is said that litigation involving political issues and social reform tend to be erratic and ineffective, because the institutional designs of both courts and their processes are not adequate to regulate polycentric and prospective conflicts. This work puts Brazilian judicialization into context, and analyses the main arguments of the institutional capacity critique (which is called in here the instrumental critique). The author suggests that the instrumental critique refers to a certain model of law and justice that has been changing (both globally and in Brazil) since the end of the last century. In the emergent model, distributive justice is reintroduced into the dynamics of law, and the administration of diffuse interests slowly replaces the adjudication of individual rights as the paradigmatic activity of the Judiciary. Those changes in both law and justice, along with judicialization, are argued to have lead to other important changes in the design of the judicial process in Brazil. Despite the many problems related to those changes, the ending notes of this work point to a possible virtuous character of the new Brazilian public law litigation. As stated herein, this litigation seems to be creating a participation-reinforcing device that in the long run may foster democracy and political equality.

O Brasil tem visto um forte processo de judicialização de sua vida pública. Hoje, a Justiça exerce um papel político importante no país, mas é marcada pela ineficiência na solução de disputas e cobrança de créditos. Críticas à expansão desse papel político são, pois, abundantes. Diz-se que (i) geraria instabilidade institucional e um ambiente hostil ao desenvolvimento (crítica institucional); (ii) produziria resultados ilegítimos (preferências judiciais substituiriam decisões majoritárias - crítica de legitimidade) e (iii) resultaria em ações inefetivas, pois o aparato das cortes não é adequado a resolver conflitos policêntricos e prospectivos (crítica instrumental). Este trabalho analisa o processo brasileiro de judicialização e os argumentos centrais da crítica instrumental. Sugere que ela refere-se a um modelo de direito e justiça que está em transformação. No modelo emergente, a justiça distributiva é reintroduzida na dinâmica legal e a administração de interesses sobrepuja, aos poucos, a tutela de direitos. Essas mudanças, mais a judicialização, levam a alterações importantes no processo judicial. Reconhecendo os problemas daí decorrentes, a tese sugere um caráter virtuoso desse novo contencioso de direito público emergente. Ele parece forjar um mecanismo de reforço de participação política que pode avançar a democracia e melhorar condições de igualdade política. / From democratization in the mid 80? on, Brazilian public life has been forced into an increasingly intense process of judicialization. Lack of confidence in representative institutions, a very open-texted charter of social and economic rights, an important political use of the Judiciary by the oppositions, and other related factors seem to be implicated in this. Brazilian justice holds today a considerable political power, but that is just part of a story. It is also astonishingly inefficient as a services provider, and fails to respond to most of its dispute-solving and credit-enforcement functions. Criticism about the expansion of the political role of the Judiciary in this context is profuse. First, it is said to generate institutional instability, which in turn would bring out a hostile environment for economic growth. Second, it is said to be illegitimate, as far as politicized judges may often replace majoritarian decisions by their own. Third, it is said that litigation involving political issues and social reform tend to be erratic and ineffective, because the institutional designs of both courts and their processes are not adequate to regulate polycentric and prospective conflicts. This work puts Brazilian judicialization into context, and analyses the main arguments of the institutional capacity critique (which is called in here the instrumental critique). The author suggests that the instrumental critique refers to a certain model of law and justice that has been changing (both globally and in Brazil) since the end of the last century. In the emergent model, distributive justice is reintroduced into the dynamics of law, and the administration of diffuse interests slowly replaces the adjudication of individual rights as the paradigmatic activity of the Judiciary. Those changes in both law and justice, along with judicialization, are argued to have lead to other important changes in the design of the judicial process in Brazil. Despite the many problems related to those changes, the ending notes of this work point to a possible virtuous character of the new Brazilian public law litigation. As stated herein, this litigation seems to be creating a participation-reinforcing device that in the long run may foster democracy and political equality.

Public interest in investments has increased dramatically during the past decades. Also parallely, there has been much research interest related with profitability, liquidity, and statutory and regulatory protection of investments, the three important pillars of investment. However, there is no similar research comparing the markets of Spain, USA and Russia in order to answer the research question of this thesis. Considering these factors, there exists need for this scientific research. The objective of this study was to discover the effect of statutory and regulatory protection in investment decision by comparing and analysing the legal environment of investments. The two steps to achieve this objective were: - Analyse and compare the legislation and securities market regulation international, national and institutional framework. - Survey. On a national level, we focused on three markets - Spain, the USA and Russia. On an institutional level, we concentrated on state agencies with regulatory power over securities markets of the above mentioned countries. The conclusion answered the main question of the work – “How does statutory and regulatory protection affect investment decisions?” This thesis in financial and business law is very relevant and will be of great interest to the investment sector. It can help interested parties in investment societies find specific solutions to improve the efficiency in investments in the above mentioned securities markets taking into consideration statutory and regulatory protection. Also, this work raises new questions for future research and indicates new possibilities of conducting future investigations. / Vicerrectorado de Investigación y Transferencia de Conocimiento (Escuela de Doctorado) "Convocatoria para la concesión de subvenciones con el objetivo de facilitar la obtención de la mención de Doctor internacional en el título de doctora o doctor, Ayudas Movilidad 2015". Jeffrey E. Smith Institute of Real Estate and Capital Markets of University of Missouri "Research Scholar (Becario de Investigación) - 01/02/2016-31/12/2017".