The main objective of the doctorate thesis was to explore the causes of the current state of relations between the EU and Russia and to provide substantiation for future effective cooperation. The main analytical assumption of the thesis is that deeper regional economic cooperation creates positive effects for improvement of economic relations. Based on that assumption a complex exploratory framework with solid theoretical grounding was created in order to evaluate potential gains from trade liberalization scenarios between the EU and Russia. Main research is focused on the three following areas: historical background of economic relations, current developments and perspectives of the future cooperation in light of trade liberalization. Historical background of common economic relations stems from political and economic development on both sides, legal and institutional framework and problematic areas. Current development of trade and economic relations is based on analysis of trade flows in goods, trade in services and capital flows. Analysis of the future development is based on three liberalization scenarios: - Accession of Russia to the World Trade Organization (WTO), - Free trade agreement (FTA) -- scrapping customs tariffs between the EU and Russia, - Comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA+) -- reduction of non-tariff barriers to trade, liberalization of trade in services and capital flows, regulatory harmonization. Meta-analysis of different computable general equilibrium (CGE) modeling is used to evaluate the liberalization scenarios. Research results proved positive effects of trade liberalization for both sides. However, comprehensive free trade agreement seems to be the most effective form of trade liberalization with maximum economic welfare gains for the EU and the Russian Federation.

<p>Augusti 2008, Ryssland går in i Georgien med en överväldigande militär styrka i syfte att som mansäger, avbryta folkrättsliga kränkningar i utbrytarrepublikerna Syd Ossetien och Abkhazien. Men var det verkligen det som var huvudsyftet med operationen? Eller var Georgienkriget Rysslands tillfälle att för omvärlden visa att Ryssland återigen är en stormakt? Nästan två år senare släpps en ny militärdoktrin, Den Ryska Federationens Militärdoktrin 2010, finns det ett samband mellan det överraskande Georgienkriget och den nya ryska doktrinen? Det främsta syftet med den här uppsatsen är att genom att utgå ifrån två av de taktiska grundprinciperna, kraftsamling och vilseledning, undersöka om det faktiskt finns ett samband mellan kriget och doktrinen. Finns det händelser under kriget och formuleringar i doktrinen vilka överensstämmer med definitionen av Kraftsamling och Vilseledning som tyder på ett samband däremellan? Det är det jag avser att svara på med denna uppsats. Avsikten med uppsatsen är även att för läsaren beskriva Georgienkriget och händelseförloppet däri, samt att kortfattat beskriva den Ryska federationens militärdoktrin 2010 utifrån den svenska försvarsavdelningen i Moskvas översättning. Syftet med uppsatsen är även att belysa exempel på kraftsamling och vilseledning, både ur doktrinen och ur kriget.</p> / <p>August 2008, Russia goes into Georgia with an overwhelming military force to which it is said, stop violations of international law in the breakaway provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. But was that really the main aim of the operation? Or was the war in Georgia Russia's opportunity to demonstrate to the world that Russia is once again a major player on the international scene? Almost two years later a new military doctrine was released, the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010, is there a link between the surprising war in Georgia and the new Russian doctrine? The main purpose with this essay to investigate, through the view of two of the principles of war, Concentration and Deception if there is a link, or connection, between the war and the doctrine. Are there actions during the war and paragraphs in the doctrine suggesting such a connection? That is what the author aims to answer with essay. The purpose with this essay is also to the reader describe the war and shortly describe the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010. The purpose with this essay is also to present examples of Concentration and Deception from the doctrine and the war.</p>

Augusti 2008, Ryssland går in i Georgien med en överväldigande militär styrka i syfte att som mansäger, avbryta folkrättsliga kränkningar i utbrytarrepublikerna Syd Ossetien och Abkhazien. Men var det verkligen det som var huvudsyftet med operationen? Eller var Georgienkriget Rysslands tillfälle att för omvärlden visa att Ryssland återigen är en stormakt? Nästan två år senare släpps en ny militärdoktrin, Den Ryska Federationens Militärdoktrin 2010, finns det ett samband mellan det överraskande Georgienkriget och den nya ryska doktrinen? Det främsta syftet med den här uppsatsen är att genom att utgå ifrån två av de taktiska grundprinciperna, kraftsamling och vilseledning, undersöka om det faktiskt finns ett samband mellan kriget och doktrinen. Finns det händelser under kriget och formuleringar i doktrinen vilka överensstämmer med definitionen av Kraftsamling och Vilseledning som tyder på ett samband däremellan? Det är det jag avser att svara på med denna uppsats. Avsikten med uppsatsen är även att för läsaren beskriva Georgienkriget och händelseförloppet däri, samt att kortfattat beskriva den Ryska federationens militärdoktrin 2010 utifrån den svenska försvarsavdelningen i Moskvas översättning. Syftet med uppsatsen är även att belysa exempel på kraftsamling och vilseledning, både ur doktrinen och ur kriget. / August 2008, Russia goes into Georgia with an overwhelming military force to which it is said, stop violations of international law in the breakaway provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. But was that really the main aim of the operation? Or was the war in Georgia Russia's opportunity to demonstrate to the world that Russia is once again a major player on the international scene? Almost two years later a new military doctrine was released, the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010, is there a link between the surprising war in Georgia and the new Russian doctrine? The main purpose with this essay to investigate, through the view of two of the principles of war, Concentration and Deception if there is a link, or connection, between the war and the doctrine. Are there actions during the war and paragraphs in the doctrine suggesting such a connection? That is what the author aims to answer with essay. The purpose with this essay is also to the reader describe the war and shortly describe the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010. The purpose with this essay is also to present examples of Concentration and Deception from the doctrine and the war.

Magistro baigiamajame darbe išanalizuotas Baltijos valstybių įvaizdžio formavimas šiuolaikinėje Rusijos Federacijos internetinėje žiniasklaidoje, nagrinėjama, kaip Baltijos valstybių įvaizdis keičiasi keičiantis Rusijos užsienio politikai. Pirmoje darbo dalyje aptariamas žiniasklaidos vaidmuo šiuolaikiniame pasaulyje, nagrinėjama žiniasklaidos svarba, internetinės žiniasklaidos vaidmuo, masinės informacijos priemonių panaudojimas informaciniame kare. Antroje dalyje pateikiama Rusijos Federacijos politikos Baltijos valstybių atžvilgiu raida, aptariama kuo pasižymėjo ir kaip keitėsi Rusijos Federacijos užsienio politika valdant Borisui Jelcinui ir Vladimirui Putinui. Trečioje dalyje nagrinėjamas Rusijos Federacijos politikos Baltijos valstybių atžvilgiu atspindys internetinėje žiniasklaidoje, aptariamas informacinio karo, kaip politikos vykdymo priemonės panaudojimas, analizuojama, kaip kuriamas Baltijos valstybių įvaizdis per pagrindinių problemų internetinėje žiniasklaidoje pateikimą, pateikiami socialinių apklausų rezultatai, nusakantys, kaip keitėsi Rusijos piliečių nuomonė apie Baltijos valstybes keičiantis Rusijos užsienio politikai ir žiniasklaidos pateikiamam Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Estijos įvaizdžiui. / This master’s final work covers the analysis of the Baltic States’ image which is being formed by the contemporary Russian Federation’s mass media on the internet. Also, the present paper focuses on the change of the image of the Baltic States which is changing together with the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. In the first part of the work there is a consideration of the mass media’s role in the contemporary world, using the mass media as a tool in the information warfare. The second part of the work points out the development of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation in relation to the Baltic States; the consideration unfolds how was changing the foreign policy of the Russian Federation during the governing of Vladimir Putin and Boris Yelcin. In the third part of the work the research is carried out on the reflection of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation in connection with the Baltic States which has been placed on the internet. Moreover, the use of the information warfare as a tool of politics is discussed. Also, this part of the paper analyzes how the image of the Baltic States is created through the presentment of the main problems on the internet’s media. Public opinion polls reveal how the Russian Federation citizens’ opinion about the Baltic States is changing together with the foreign policy of the Russian Federation.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

In the context of nationalism and sovereignty studies emerging since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this thesis provides an economic, rather than political, perspective of Tatarstan’s success in negotiating sovereignty claims with Russia, arguing that what lay behind Tatarstan’s demands for extensive political and economic rights was not mass nationalist mobilization, but the desire for control over natural resources by the Tatarstani elite dominated by former Soviet functionaries of indigenous nationality. In addition, this paper examines the importance of continuity among the local political elites, contrasting Tatarstan’s approach with that of Chechnya’s uncompromising separatist drive and the resulting years of civil conflict. Finally, the most recent page in the history of Russian-Tatarstani relations, the gradual reduction of the republic’s autonomy in connection with President Putin’s centralizing reforms, confirms my principal argument that control over resources is more important to the Tatarstani elites than political power as such.

In the context of nationalism and sovereignty studies emerging since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this thesis provides an economic, rather than political, perspective of Tatarstan’s success in negotiating sovereignty claims with Russia, arguing that what lay behind Tatarstan’s demands for extensive political and economic rights was not mass nationalist mobilization, but the desire for control over natural resources by the Tatarstani elite dominated by former Soviet functionaries of indigenous nationality. In addition, this paper examines the importance of continuity among the local political elites, contrasting Tatarstan’s approach with that of Chechnya’s uncompromising separatist drive and the resulting years of civil conflict. Finally, the most recent page in the history of Russian-Tatarstani relations, the gradual reduction of the republic’s autonomy in connection with President Putin’s centralizing reforms, confirms my principal argument that control over resources is more important to the Tatarstani elites than political power as such.

RESUMÉ CONTINUING ETHNIC PROCESSES OF THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF THE RUSSIAN NORTH Legislation has an appreciable effect on the lives of the indigenous peoples and is becoming one of the fundamental components of their adaptation. Many of the innovative elements are realized on the basis of this legislation. The life strategies of the indigenous peoples in Yamalo- Nenets avtonomniy okrug is practically the same as the life strategies of the majority population. A notable exception are reindeer herders, but even amongst their children, we see a shift to the strategies of the majority society. These modes of adaptation have both ethnic and non-ethnic characters. Of those that are based on an ethnic basis, we can distinguish them by whether they are based on historical development or on legislative privilege. The privileges of a legislative base can be divided into individual (e.g. quota for free fishing) and collective rights (e.g. economic activity by communities). Both categories are actively used. Authorities of avtonomniy okrug actively encourage and support them using their rights. An increasing number of indigenous peoples are showing non-ethnic ways of adaptation, such as the non-ethnic elements used by the surrounding majority society. Children from mixed families, where one parent does not belong to...

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Resumo: Es como consecuencia del fin de la Unión de Republicas Socialistas Soviéticas-URSS que surge la Federación Rusa, un nuevo estado ahora capitalista y liberal. A partir del surgimiento del mismo se pretende en el presente trabajo analizar los principales desafíos vividos por la Federación con respecto a la formulación de política interna y externa desde 1991 hasta 2008 y a partir de allí se busca comprender como la federación se relacionó con la organización militar más grande del mundo, la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte-OTAN. Con la utilización de documentos oficiales y autores especializados se procura entender en el análisis de estas tres etapas los vaivenes vividos por la política rusa en el transcurso de casi 20 años vislumbrando de esta forma el padrón de comportamiento adoptado desde el fin de la Guerra Fría. Por medio del presente trabajo se busca obtener una visión panorámica del comportamiento de Rusia a nivel nacional e internacional con foco principal en la relación Rusia-OTAN estructurando un argumento que permita comprender el comportamiento ruso en esta nueva era. / Mestre

Submitted by DANIELA IVANNA GALLI MATTIAUDA null (dgallimattiauda@gmail.com) on 2017-09-29T17:23:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disertacion Daniela Galli.pdf: 4468994 bytes, checksum: 61fb04576de4f1bae8283f9d5fce8925 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-29T19:10:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 mattiauda_dig_me_mar.pdf: 4468994 bytes, checksum: 61fb04576de4f1bae8283f9d5fce8925 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-29T19:10:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 mattiauda_dig_me_mar.pdf: 4468994 bytes, checksum: 61fb04576de4f1bae8283f9d5fce8925 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Es como consecuencia del fin de la Unión de Republicas Socialistas Soviéticas-URSS que surge la Federación Rusa, un nuevo estado ahora capitalista y liberal. A partir del surgimiento del mismo se pretende en el presente trabajo analizar los principales desafíos vividos por la Federación con respecto a la formulación de política interna y externa desde 1991 hasta 2008 y a partir de allí se busca comprender como la federación se relacionó con la organización militar más grande del mundo, la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte-OTAN. Con la utilización de documentos oficiales y autores especializados se procura entender en el análisis de estas tres etapas los vaivenes vividos por la política rusa en el transcurso de casi 20 años vislumbrando de esta forma el padrón de comportamiento adoptado desde el fin de la Guerra Fría. Por medio del presente trabajo se busca obtener una visión panorámica del comportamiento de Rusia a nivel nacional e internacional con foco principal en la relación Rusia-OTAN estructurando un argumento que permita comprender el comportamiento ruso en esta nueva era. / It is as a consequence of the end of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics-USSR that the Russian Federation emerges, a new state now capitalist and liberal. From the outset, it is intended in the present work to analyze the main challenges faced by the Federation in respect to the formulation of internal and external policy from 1991 to 2008. From there on it is sought to understand how the federation relates with the largest military organization in the world, The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Making use of official documents and specialized authors it is tried to understand in the analysis of these three stages the ups and downs of Russian politics over the course of almost 20 years, thus envisaging the pattern of behavior adopted since the end of the cold war. The present work seeks to obtain a panoramic view of the behavior of Russia at national and international level with a focus on the Russia-NATO relationship, structuring an argument to understand Russian behavior in this new era. / É como consequência do fim da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas-URSS que surge a Federação Russa, um novo Estado agora capitalista e liberal. A partir do surgimento do mesmo pretende-se no presente trabalho analisar os principais desafios vividos pela Federação com respeito à formulação da política interna e externa de 1991 até 2008. A partir daí busca-se compreender como a federação se relacionou com a maior organização militar do mundo, a Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte-OTAN. Com a utilização de documentos oficiais e autores especializados procura-se entender na análise dessas três etapas os vaivéns vividos pela política russa no transcurso de quase 20 anos, vislumbrando dessa forma o padrão de comportamento adotado desde o fim da guerra fria. Por meio do presente trabalho busca-se obter uma visão panorâmica do comportamento da Rússia a nível nacional e internacional com foco principal na relação Rússia-OTAN, estruturando um argumento que permita compreender o comportamento russo nesta nova era.