abstract: This dissertation discusses children and childhood in Soviet Kazakhstan from 1928 to 1953. By exploring images of, and for, children, and by focusing on children’s fates during and after the famine of 1930-33, I argue that the regime’s success in making children socialist subjects and creating the new Soviet person was questionable throughout the 1930s. The reach of Soviet ideological and cultural policies was limited in a decade defined by all kinds of shortcomings in the periphery which was accompanied by massive violence and destruction. World War 2 mobilized Central Asians and integrated the masses into the Soviet social and political body. The war transformed state-society relations and the meaning of being Soviet fundamentally changed. In this way, larger segments of society embraced the framework for Soviet citizenship and Soviet patriotism largely thanks to the war experience. This approach invites us to reconsider the nature of Sovietization in Central Asia by questioning the central role of ideology and cultural revolution in the formation of Soviet identities. My dissertation brings together images of childhood, everyday experiences of children and memory of childhood. On the one hand, the focus on children provides me an opportunity to discuss Sovietization in Central Asia. On the other hand, this dissertation contributes to our understanding of Soviet childhood: it is the first comprehensive study of Soviet children in the periphery in English. It shows how images and discourses, which were produced in the Soviet center, were translated into the local context and emphasizes the multiplicity of children’s experiences across the Soviet Union. Local conditions defined the meaning of childhood in Kazakhstan as much as central visions. Studying children in a non-Russian republic allows me to discuss questions of ideology, cultural revolution and the nationalities question. A main goal of the dissertation is to shift the focus of Sovietization from the cultural and intellectual elite to ordinary people. Secondly, by studying the impact of the famine and the Great Patriotic War, I try to understand the dynamics of the Soviet regime and the changing conceptions of culture and identity in Soviet Kazakhstan. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2020

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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal. / À partir du 16ième siècle, les Cosaques furent de plus en plus soumis à l'autorité des tsars de Russie tout en restant enracinés dans quelques régions qui étaient les leurs, notamment le Don. Leur savoir-faire militaire et leur utilisation en tant que cavalerie dans les activités défensives et offensives définissaient leur rôle au sein de l'Empire. En retour, ils recevaient de nombreux avantages honorifiques et matériels. Des révoltes épisodiques ne remirent pas en question les liens unissant les Cosaques au tsar. Mais au tournant du 20ième siècle, la situation dans le pays est fragile. Les Cosaques ne sont pas épargnés par les difficultés qui touchent l'ensemble de la population et ils ont les mêmes revendications. Les troubles se succèdent jusqu1à la révolution d'octobre 1917, à la suite de laquelle la Russie plonge dans la Guerre civile qui touche particulièrement le sud du pays et qui perdure jusqu'en 1920. Compte tenu des rapports privilégiés que les Cosaques entretenaient avec le tsar, mais aussi du mythe qui en fait les grands défenseurs de ce dernier, il faut se demander quelle fut leur véritable attitude politique pendant et envers l'épisode révolutionnaire. Telle est la question à laquelle ce mémoire tente de répondre. Pour y parvenir, nous étudions l'historiographie occidentale, francophone et anglophone, depuis les auteurs contemporains des événements jusqu'aux courants les plus récents. L'interprétation des événements d'Octobre dans leur ensemble a fait naître des écoles historiographiques et des visions fort différentes, certaines les réduisant à un coup d'État pendant que d'autres y voient une véritable révolution. En revanche, les historiens s'accordent sur beaucoup de points dans leur analyse globale du comportement politique des Cosaques. Ainsi, il ressort de notre recherche que ces derniers ont eu tendance à opter pour la neutralité et ont fait preuve d'ambivalence envers les deux principaux belligérants de la Guerre civile. Ils ont donné leur appui et se sont engagés avec le camp le plus apte à défendre leurs intérêts à tel ou tel moment. De plus, leurs visées étaient avant tout autonomistes. / From the sixteenth century, the Cossacks became more and more submissive to the authority of the tsar, but remained in some regions of their own, especially the Don. Their military ability and their utilization as cavalry in defense and offensive activities defined their role within the Empire. ln return, they received many honorary and material benefits. Sorne occasional revolts did not weaken the link between the Cossacks and the tsar. But at the turn of the twentieth century, the situation in the country was fragile. The Cossacks were not spared by the difficulties of the population and they had the same demands. The troubles continued until the revolution of october 1917, followed by a civil war that particularly hit the south of the country and lasted until 1920. Taking into account the privileged relations the Cossacks had with the regime, and the myth that described them as great defenders of the tsar, we have to ask ourselves what their real political attitude was towards and during the revolutionary episode. That is the question this thesis tries to answer. ln doing so, we will study the western historiography, francophone and anglophone, since the time of the contemporary authors until the most recent trends. The interpretation of the events of October arose historiographical schools and diff erent visions : some reduced them to a coup d'Etat and others saw a real revolution. On the other hand, the historians agree on lots of questions in their global analysis of the political behaviour of Cossacks. Thus, according to our analysis, the Cossacks had a tendency to opt for neutrality and showed ambivalence towards the two belligerent of the Civil war. They gave their support and took a stand with the side that was more qualified to defend their interests at this or that moment and their aims were foremost separatist.

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An analysis of the comic techniques used by Gogol in his early works, Evenings on a Farm Near Dikanka and Mirgorod, to illustrate the transition from mere aesthetic laughter to mature humour. In addition, an examination is made of his purpose as a satirist. / Thesis / Candidate in Philosophy

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