This study is a diachronic comparative analysis of russophobic discourse and enemy images in Helsingin Sanomat's (HS) editorials before and after the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the beginning of a full-scale War in Ukraine in 2022. The aim of the research is investigating shifts in discourse and opinions within Helsingin Sanomat's editorials regarding the Russian actions. This study uses editorials by HS as its data. Utilizing the analytical framework of framing theory by Robert Entman, the study focuses on how Russia is framed in the editorials and by employing a diachronic comparison method, the research explores shifts in the frames over time, in this case the before and after of the two major geopolitical events. The study found that there has been a significant change in frames, especially between the two events, most notably after the beginning of the war in Ukraine, there is a drastic change to the former.

Sweden has always had a special relationship with Russia. The countries have fought dozens of wars against each other, both in the Viking Age, the Middle Ages and the early modern period. This, according to many historians, led to the emergence of a russophobia in Sweden. It has now been over two hundred years ago since the last altercation between these countries, so does russophobia still exist in Sweden, and if not, what characterizes our perception of Russia today?   These are the types of questions that will be processed and answered in this press analytical study of the Swedish media's representation of Putin and Russia. The material studied consists of articles in two major Swedish newspapers from the period around the Russian presidential elections in 2000, 2004 and 2012, all of which were won by Putin.   A general conclusion is that the Swedish media image of Russia is strongly negative. The image of Putin was somewhat positive in the year 2000 but then became increasingly negative. I also found no evidence of russophobia. Although Russia is sometimes portrayed as militarily aggressive there’s nothing that suggest that Sweden should feel threatened.

This thesis presents a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of comments about the Russo- Ukraine war on Facebook and Instagram from February 2022 until March 2023 and points out topics that are dominantly discussed and stereotypes that are used in connection to the war. For this, critical discourse analysis (CDA) was employed as analytical framework and method (Fairclough, 2010). Related concepts were taken into consideration such as ideology, power and hegemony (Gramsci, 1971) as well as Lippmann’s theory of stereotypes (1922). Furthermore, the users’ emotional connection to topics and stereotypes was established by conducting a sentiment analysis with the help of a word-emotion association lexicon (Mohammad & Turney, 2011). This lexicon was elaborated in the process of analysis: Irony as a new category emerged. Results suggest that online users judge individuals and groups of people, such as refugees and whole nations in predictable, simple, often negative categories or stereotypes as Lippmann (1922) described it over a hundred years ago. Whereas users express solidarity and love towards Ukrainians who stay in the country and fight bravely against the aggressor Russia at the beginning of the war, negative views are expressed towards Ukraine refugees and refugees in general who flee to Europe. Furthermore, Russophobic comments can be found and the current war situation is compared to the Second World War. Thereby, users make use of irony in comments about dystopian scenarios such as facing a possible Third World War with nuclear strikes. Those results are critically discussed in connection to nationalist and populist ideologies.

En kvalitativ studie av HBO-serien Chernobyl från 2019 och hur denna upprätthåller en i västerländsk media producerad för underhållning ofta förekommande stereotyp porträttering av Sovjetunionen och dess invånare. Studiens teoretiska utgångspunkt är centrerad kring filmteori och representationsteori och undersöker huruvida man genom othering i västerländska produktioner upprätthåller en bild av de forna sovjetiska länderna och dess invånare baserad på den uppfattning som lades till grund för i filmer producerade under kalla kriget. Studiens resultat är att serien kan läsas som ett försök att genom adaptionen av en inhemsk sovjetisk skildring av världens största kärnkraftsolycka försöka ge symbolisk upprättelse till katastrofens offer, trots att serien i stor utsträckning bekräftar den stereotypa skildring av sovjetiska medborgare ofta tidigare sedd i västerländsk media. / A qualitative study of the 2019 HBO miniseries Chernobyl and how it perpetuates a stereotype western perception of post Soviet countries and their inhabitants, influenced by the antagonists created during Cold War in film produced by west. The Soviet stereotype is examined through film and representation theory, and seeks to investigate how the practice of othering is carried out by narrative functions throughout pivotal moments of the series. The analysis concludes that the sensitive matter of adapting a domestic Soviet narrative of the worlds greatest nuclear disaster into a Hollywood production can be read as an attempt to grant the real life victims a symbolic kind of solace, yet it also fails to portray Soviet citizens outside of the stereotype conforming depiction often seen in western media.

L’ascension de Vladimir Poutine à la présidence de la Russie fut un point tournant dans l’histoire de la Russie et de ses relations avec l’occident. Lorsqu’il est comparé aux politiques plus pro-occidentales de son prédécesseur, Boris Eltsine, le nouveau nationalisme russe de Poutine changea la relation de la Russie avec l’Occident. Ce texte utilise des articles publiés dans quatre journaux influents de l’Occident—le Washington Post, le New York Times, le Guardian et l’Independent—pour montrer comment l’Occident percevait la Russie entre 1999 et 2008. Poutine fut longuement critiqué pour avoir transformé la « démocratie », instauré par l’Occident dans les années postsoviétiques, en autocratie qui reflétait plus le contexte politico-social traditionnel russe. La Russie refusa de se soumettre aux intérêts de l’Occident. Les médias populaires occidentaux, reflétant les intérêts de leurs gouvernements respectifs, ont rondement critiqué la nouvelle direction de la Russie. L’obligation perçue par les médias occidentaux de promouvoir la « démocratie » autour du globe les a menés à condamner Poutine et la Russie, ce qui créa un sentiment de « russophobie ». / The ascension of Vladimir Putin to the Russian presidency was a turning point in the history of Russia. Using articles from four influential western newspapers—the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Guardian and the Independent—this text will show the West perceived Russia during Putin’s between 1999 and 2008. Putin was heavily criticized as he was moving the country away from the “democracy” installed by the West after the Cold War, to a path more in line with traditional Russian principles. Russia refused to be subservient to Western interests. The western mainstream media reflected their government’s interests and critiqued Russia’s new path. The western media’s perceived obligation to promote “freedom” and “democracy” around the world has led it to condemn Russia and Putin and to create a sense of “russophobia” in the West.