The prevailing prevention literature has increasingly expanded the scope of HIV/AIDS drivers beyond the behavioural and social to encompass an increasing focus on the structural drivers of AIDS. Throughout the structural drivers literature is an emphasis on the need for upstream interventions that shape policy and influence political processes (Gibbs et al 2012; Hunsman 2012; Parkhurst 2013). Some of the literature recommends an emphasis on promoting political processes that catalyse political change and address underlying forms of inequality (Heise and Watts 2013; Gibbs et al 2012). This literature dovetails with literature that advocates for an increasing emphasis on the political determinants of health in health promotions programming (Ottersen et al 2014). At the same time new directions in the HIV/AIDS preventative community mobilization literatures has emphasized the need to rethink and re-conceptualise community mobilization in the 21st century (Campbell 2014). More broadly systematic reviews of the literature suggest the need for an increasing focus on community mobilization efforts that respond to and influence the political context of health (Cornish et al 2014). This dissertations aims to influence and inform the space between these literatures through an empirical look into the convergence of the Nelson Mandela Foundations (NMF) Community Conversations political animus and a historical and present day reading of the ways in which structural forms of violence (Galtung 1969) continue to be inscribed into the life trajectories of residents/citizens living in Ingquza Hill, South Africa. The findings in this dissertation are based on narrative analyses of N = 63 life histories and semi-structured interviews conducted with residents, CC facilitators and participants, and local influential stakeholders that directly experienced, lived, and embodied this convergence throughout the dialogical and actioned oriented phases of the Community Conversations process. Findings suggest that the basis for re-conceptualising of community mobilization for the 21st century be predicated on a more politicized framing of HIV/AIDS along with a more explicit and intentional valuation of the intersection between the social and political determinants of health in programmes that employ community mobilization. Intersecting social and political power dynamics play a significant role in both opening up and the cultivation of civic spaces that promote responsive and inclusionary forms of local governance and decision-making. This in part entails an increased emphasis on the creation of accompaniment oriented socio-political technologies that intentionally support the cultivation of health enabling democracy.

In Argentina, indigenous populations have been marginalised from the nation-state’s projects of enfranchisement even though their labour has often been in high demand. The Guaraní of the Argentine Gran Chaco are a case in point. Once highly involved in the extractive frontier economy of the region, they have had very little access to broader political projects of belonging. Over the last few years, however, this historical trend has been reversed. On the one hand, Guaraní settlements currently constitute a surplus population whose labour is no longer demanded by the regional economy. On the other, state-sponsored cash transfer programmes secure the subsistence of Guaraní families while multicultural legislation has sought to enfranchise them in new ways. At the local level, these simultaneous processes of inclusion and exclusion have created a series of tensions and contradictions that mark everyday life. To investigate these processes, this thesis explores the various motivations, opportunities, and challenges that characterise the political and economic life of Guaraní settlements. It considers the gendered impacts of unemployment and welfare dependency at the settlement level and analyses the ways in which autonomy and dependency play out in local politics. This leads to an ethnographic exploration of factional conflict and to an appreciation of how people negotiate legal projects of institutionalisation. It is shown that practices of egalitarianism, hierarchy, autonomy, and representation are intertwined with ideas about gender, work, and plurality. The thesis argues that a concern with abundance lies at the heart of Guaraní life. Two subjunctive moments – an annual harvest celebration and the game of football – are explored as particular instances in which the Guaraní appear to attain such desirable states of abundance; at the same time, it is argued that these moments create a space of ‘illusion’ wherein the gendered ties of dependency and control that underpin abundance are fundamentally misrecognised. The thesis elaborates a theory of Amerindian political economy in which wageless life and abundance partially displace more classic themes of labour and scarcity. In doing so it provides new understandings of how collectivities are fashioned among subaltern populations, while highlighting how inclusion and exclusion are achieved and experienced in the everyday.

This dissertation is a study of the dynamics of armed mobilization and participation in non-state armed organizations in the province of South Kivu, eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. It asks one of the fundamental questions of the study of violent conflict: Why do people participate in armed groups? In addressing this central question, it also addresses the inter-related questions of how do people come to participate in armed groups and who participates in these groups. I make three main arguments. First, contemporary armed mobilization is driven by two ‘macro’ factors in rural eastern DRC, the necessity to organize and provide protection to the sociopolities that constitute rural eastern Congo on one side, and the more accumulative dynamics of labour mobilization and control that have long characterized the region and have taken novel forms with the development of an economy of predation. The protective dimension in particular has often been left out in recent accounts that have focused or economic agendas of armed groups. Second, the ‘social architecture’ of armed mobilization in the region has changed to reflect the social implantation of armed organizations in rural eastern Congo, resulting from the novel roles they play in these societies and the adaptation of these societies to their presence. As a result, modes of recruitment and control reflect the multi-faceted influence that these organizations have over rural societies. Third, I argue and show that individual determinants of participation are not time invariant, they evolve over time and reflect the changes in outlook and motivations of participants that results from the social implantation of armed organizations, but also as a result of the process of participation. In order to make these arguments, I use a mixed methods approach that combines a qualitative analysis based on interviews carried out during 9 months of fieldwork in the province of South Kivu, and a quantitative analysis based on original panel data collected through a survey of 1072 individuals and 134 villages of South Kivu.

Orientador: Veronica Fabrini Machado de Almeida / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T09:47:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_VirginiaSpositode_M.pdf: 4351319 bytes, checksum: 379f4dda3509b8561e07f24422b4e41f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O texto analisa o processo de construção histórico social do corpo bailarino clássico contemporâneo. A reflexão aponta para sua construção corporal tanto quanto para o uso simbólico dessa construção, que reflete uma hexis corporal distinta. O texto também considera como as atitudes e percepções são manifestadas através do habitus do bailarino. A trajetória social do bailarino também é analisada quando ele produz escolhas para sua sobrevivência social dentro das condições estratificantes de seu campo de atuação. As relações estratificantes entre os bailarinos, principalmente os clássicos, dentro do campo da dança apresentam uma lógica distinta que é estudada quando do exame da gênese de seu caráter / Abstract: This text analyses the social-history construction process of the classic ballet dancer's body in our contemporany time. Following this reflexion, the research point to its simbolic use, as well as the dancer's body construction, which reflects a singular corporal hexis. The text also consider how the dancer's perceptions and his attitudes manifestate through the ballet dancer habitus The dancer social trajectory is also thought when he must produce choices to his social survive inside the stratifying conditions of his acting field. The stratifying relations between dancers, mostly the classic ones, inside the dance field, present a distinct logical that is studied when is used a genesis examination of its character / Mestrado / Mestre em Artes

Este trabalho de História Social trata de discorrer sobre as práticas corporais dos indivíduos durante o higienismo, especialmente nos primeiros anos da República Brasileira, em que as elites se apropriam do poder, as camadas médias buscam sua acensão e reconhecimento social por meio da distinção de suas aparências e de seus corpos ora saudáveis por conta do progresso e da ciência, tentando fazer do futuro da pátria uma nação do futuro ao extirpar a doença e o atraso. / This work of social history comes to talk about bodily practices of individuals during hygienism, especially in the early years of the Republic of Brazil, where elites get hold of power, the middle classes seek their rise and social recognition through the excellence of her appearances and their bodies healthy now because of the progress and science, trying to make the future of the nation to eradicate disease and backwardness.

Orientador: Maria Clementina Pereira Cunha / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T23:39:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rosa_MarcusViniciusdeFreitas_D.pdf: 5070512 bytes, checksum: e935e0fb3533d8f3e90f0333aa40984c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta tese aborda as relações estabelecidas entre negros e brancos em Porto Alegre entre 1884 e 1918. Os momentos finais da escravidão no Rio Grande do Sul, mais particularmente a conjuntura emancipacionista da primeira metade da década de 1880 constitui o ponto de partida. Este período foi marcado pela preocupação acerca do destino dos libertos, pelo debate acerca da concessão de direitos civis àqueles que, até então, eram não-cidadãos, pela incidência de diversas medidas de controle social sobre os trabalhadores e pela busca de soluções para a suposta "ausência de mão de obra" gerada pelo cada vez mais elevado número de alforrias, problemas que deveriam ser resolvidos através da importação de trabalhadores europeus. Pelas três décadas posteriores à Lei Áurea, este estudo se volta para uma das principais e inevitáveis consequências da política de imigração em um país marcado pela escravidão: a proximidade e a coexistência entre trabalhadores com variados tons epidérmicos e diversas origens étnicas e raciais. Buscou-se identificar os significados atribuídos à raça ¿ implícitos ou explícitos, fosse por meio da cor, da nacionalidade ou de certas "qualidades" e "origens" distintivas, e até mesmo através de certos silêncios ¿ envolvidos nessas relações, tendo como palco a capital do Rio Grande do Sul. Ainda que se tenha prestado atenção às interações entre sujeitos provenientes dos mais diversos círculos sociais, bem como às políticas civilizatórias, modernizantes e seus desdobramentos sociais, este estudo buscou identificar as condições de trabalho, de moradia e de lazer que tornavam possíveis e condicionavam a proximidade, a coexistência e as interações entre trabalhadores pobres. Neste sentido, pretendeu-se escrever uma história social do racismo entre as classes subalternas / Abstract: This thesis addresses the relationships established between blacks and whites from 1884 to 1918. Its starting point is the final moments of slavery in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, especially the emancipation environment of the first half of the 1880s. This period was characterized by concerns about the freedmen¿s future, by the debate on the concession of civil rights to those that were non-citizens up until that moment, by the incidence of several social control mechanisms among workers, and by the search for solutions for the supposed "lack of manpower" generated by the increasing number of manumissions, a problem that would likely be solved by importing European workers. Going through the three decades following Lei Áurea [Golden Law], this study focuses on one of the main, inevitable consequences of immigration policies in a country marked by slavery: the proximity and coexistence among workers with varied epidermal tones and several ethnic and racial origins. It tried to identify the implicit or explicit meanings attributed to race¿whether through color, nationality, certain distinguished "qualities" or origins", or even certain silences¿involved in these relationships, having the capital of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, as the main stage. Even though we paid attention to the interactions between subjects from the most diverse social circles, as well as to civilizing, modernizing policies and their social consequences, this study aimed at identifying labor, housing and leisure conditions that enabled and conditioned the proximity, coexistence and interactions between poor workers. Thus, we intended to write a social history of racism among lower classes / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutor em História

As there have been few studies of individual social mobility in Britain, this thesis examines a wide range of aspects of the mobility experience. Data reported come from secondary analysis of a sample of men in the London Region in 1970 (N = 884) and second interviews with a sub-sample (N = 117). Overall, there was more upward and less downward mobility observed in 1970 than in 1949 but little change in degree of occupational rigidity. Downward mobility generally proceeded from a 'peripheral' rather than a 'core' middle-class position to a skilled manual trade, thereby involving little or no discontinuity. The tendency of fathers of the downwardly mobile to have been intragenerationally upwardly mobile suggests a cyclical pattern in which sons of the same upwardly mobile are not adequately socialized into a middle-class pattern. The opposite hypothesis, that upward mobility proceeds from a 'sunken middle-class' family or one otherwise not well integrated into the working class, was not well supported. Generally, upward mobility was more complicated than downward mobility, involving at least five distinct patterns. In only two of these was it clear that occupational mobility had led to social mobility in the sense of a shift in relational and normative dimensions. The one-third of the men upwardly mobile through a formal educational route were generally, though not exclusively, found in these two patterns; 'distance' traversed was also an important determinant of class change. Taken together, however, the upwardly mobile were found to bestride class of origin and destination with respect to a wide range of variables. This was also the case when attention was directed to the negative or dissociative consequences of upward and downward mobility. That is, the data lend support to an acculturative, rather than a dissociative hypothesis about the consequences of social mobility; the mobile appeared to be no more isolated, detached, prejudiced or anomic than was typical in the class which they were entering, Finally, the meaning people give to social mobility is examined at some length.

The aim of this study is to provide a framework for understanding the dynamics and motivations behind the mobilisation of diasporas. What shapes diaspora mobilisation? And when they do get involved in homeland politics, what determines the success of diaspora efforts? How is diaspora mobilisation shaped through human agency? The study will look at the Croatian diaspora in North America which, with a long history of active involvement in the politics of its homeland, brings forth a compelling case for the study of diaspora mobilisation. Are conflict–based arguments sufficient to explain diaspora mobilisation? Are there complementary, but potentially more covert, driving factors behind it? Other studies have identified homeland conflict as important for diaspora mobilisation, but have not shown yet in depth how framing processes work in the presence of charismatic leadership and their framing strategies. Aiming at filling this gap in the literature, this study provides a complementary argument to conflict–based arguments; it focuses on the role of collective action frames (CAF) used by goal–seeking elites in diaspora mobilisation and brings out the effects of agency. It states that while conflict provides important opportunities to mobilise, agents play a crucial role in framing and reframing these opportunities to advance their political goals. This thesis is the first one to give an in depth discussion of specific framing mechanism and how they interconnect with charismatic leadership. By employing the frame analysis approach this study intends to link the literature on collective action frames and framing processes with the research done in Diaspora Studies. In doing so, it will make use of the framing literature in relation to social movement processes that it tries to illuminate. The study identifies effective framing processes, diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational, as crucial for understanding the character, the course and the outcome of diaspora mobilisation and its consequent political influence. The study aims to expand framing theory by contributing to our understanding of how leaders motivate and mobilise resources, generate and identify opportunities, frame issues, plan and develop strategies, recruit support and create change. Human agency has been neglected by the recent emphasis on structures of opportunity and this study is a response to the growing demand for the examination of the numerous ways in which leaders generate social change and create the conditions for the agency of others. However favourable the ‘breeding ground’ presented by the opportunity structure, it only provides potential actors with options. It is ultimately always the parties themselves who must make the best of them. This study shall therefore focus on the leader in charge of the framing processes and his characteristics as one of the key factors explaining his success. In doing so, the study will address an existing gap in the framing literature and divert attention to the role of Franjo Tuđman, the first President of independent Croatia, in constructing diaspora collective action frames. In placing the focus on the leader, the study does not intend to minimise the role of other explanatory factors, e.g. effective resource mobilisation and political opportunity structures (POS), the right configuration of which is essential for the framing processes to be effective. Instead, when addressing these elements of diaspora mobilisation, the study does so through the lens of leadership.

Since the beginning of China’s transition to a market economy, there have been other voices, calling for a different kind of change. One such voice is the co-operative movement, which has continued to grow in recent years. However, China’s new co-operatives suffer from widespread problems, which vitiate the principles put forward by activists. Based on two years of multi-sited fieldwork in the cooperative movement, this thesis explores the experience of the co-operatives, and the activists and institutions which promote them. Framing the analysis in terms of the cultural evolution of co-operation, it argues that the cooperatives are threatened by a range of factors. The erosion of social capital and material interdependence resulting from urbanisation and modernisation tends to undermine the foundations of the system of mutual aid based on indirect reciprocity. Meanwhile, the trauma of the Cultural Revolution and the uncertainty of the reform era have rendered alternative forms of collectivistic morality equally unable to support co-operation. While many co-operatives have succeeded by carefully avoiding any form of co-operation which requires trust or costly monitoring, some problems cannot be solved in this way. In particular, the thesis argues that participation in democratic decision-making is itself a collective action problem, which co-operatives cannot, by their very nature, avoid. And when activists and the state provide resources to help overcome these challenges, the result is often a ‘crowding out’ of co-operation. Finally, the thesis explores the idea that the difficulties of the co-operatives may reflect a shift in the psychological underpinnings of co-operation in wider Chinese society. Through a combination of life history interviews with young people experiencing moral conflict, and a psychometric survey designed to measure differences in moral reasoning, it argues that non-market forms of cooperation are being undermined by a process of interlinked social and psychological change.

This thesis provides an empirical, qualitative, study of nuances of the labour process in the context of Youth Offending Teams (YOTs) and how detectable indications of alienation may be present in the perceptions of front-line practitioners. The study also focuses on government policy and the views of management and trade union officials to gain a broader understanding of factors that affect employment in this sub-sector of the public services. To provide a rich source of qualitative data, 33 interviews were conducted across two research sites, which fall under the operational remit of the Youth Justice Board for England and Wales (YJB). Initially, the focus of the thesis is structured around political impositions and management regulation of the employment relationship in the wider public services with particular reference to its impact on the organisation of work and work degradation. This is set against previous theories and frameworks of alienation to form an analytical model, adapted from Blauner’s (1964) research, accounting for criticisms of the study from a Marxist perspective. The thesis then provides a contextual grounding of the politicised nature of the youth justice sector and the related criminological debates which affect the perceptions of work and policy from front-line practitioners in YOTs. Interview data is analysed against the theoretical model employed, signified by a broad analytical approach, which not only addresses the effects of a loss of practitioner control of the labour process in YOTs and the related indications of alienation, but also investigates their relevance to wider aspects of the political economy. Findings suggest that alienation is intensified in practitioners when they experience a dislocation between their personal ideals and the prescriptive work practices to which they abide, with their skills and knowledge of front-line practice perceived as undervalued in state and management policy.