Little is known about the vegetation, forests, useful plants and their patterns of use at the gradients of climate, geography and culture in Baitadi and Darchula districts, far western Nepal. The interactions among plants-people-places were analyzed using data from phyto-sociological studies, community interviews, and literature. Ecological sampling, participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and informal discussions were held between February and September 2017. We compared plant collection, use and management of two culturally distinct groups (Baitadi and Darchula), who inhabit different physiographic regions, yet share the same ecological landscape, environmental resources and livelihood challenges. We hypothesized that the salient (visible, apparent and accessible) plants and places are likely to be more frequently foraged than the non-salient ones. We also hypothesized that the elderly, native and traditional healers living in rural and remote physiographic conditions possess more diverse and detailed knowledge of plant use and conservation than young, non-native and non-healer people. A total of 18 forest types including eight from the study districts showed that the study area is rich in forests and plants. A total of 975 plant species including 82 new species records and 23 new use reports to Baitadi and Darchula districts were recorded. There were 305 (31%) useful plant species including 122 useful reported in the present study. The people of study area showed a large repertoire of knowledge that helps them execute different strategies of plant use suited to their environment and geography. The knowledge of plant use follows a pattern according to ecological conditions (availability) as well as the cultural significance (transhumance, settlement) of the landscape. However, the latter prevails. Predominate foraging by the agro-pastoral communities from the remote undisturbed forests for quality products and medicines in Darchula district was divergent from the collections from ruderal areas in Baitadi district by generalist collectors for ritual purposes. The extensive usage of plants for socio-economic reasons, livelihood and rituals indicates that the plants and culture are inseparable. Conservation measures with acknowledgement of human, cultural, geographical and environmental variables, are therefore encouraged for sustainable management of the natural resources and traditional knowledge of the Baitadi and Darchula districts. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2018. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Policy-makers, project planners and development organisations are becoming convinced that the failure of the new socio-ecologically sensitive strategies co-opted by 'professional' forestry could be better addressed by indigenous forestry. They believe that indigenous forestry might assist with the development of successful forestry projects that are ecologically sustainable and socio-politically equitable. In order, however, to learn from indigenous forestry systems, the acculturation of foresters in the vernacular culture of the forest users appears to be an essential process for understanding and intervening in a local forest management complex. Acculturation entails not only more attention to the immaterial cultural realm, but an understanding of multiple resource stewardship, local ways of knowing and perceiving, local forest values and 'practices of care'. While acknowledging the significance of the politics of knowledge and political ecology this study examines resource stewardship from an alternative neglected angle that of knowledge sustainability and synergistic bridging. It will examine in general modes of knowing and bridging between 'formal' and indigenous forestry knowledge, and in particular the identification of forest value paradigms that are evidently exemplars of bio-cultural sustainability. The main outcomes of this study include the cognitive mapping of forest values among 'Tibetan minority nationalities' in Eastern Kham, their spatial distribution and the coincidence of changes in forest values with cultural or biophysical phenomena. Conceptually this study relies heavily on knowledge-system, hypertext, and paradigm theory and a critique of the narratives of John Locke. The former provide a platform to compare and contrast alternative knowledge systems and a means of synergistic bridging between them and the latter encapsulates a trajectory of western knowledge often known as modernity. The quantitative methods employed in this study included text analysis for forest value identification, multidimensional scaling for the cognitive mapping of forest values, spatial analysis and kriging for forest value distribution, and boundary or wombling analysis for changes in forest values and their coincidence with cultural or biophysical phenomena. The latter four methods are groundbreaking in that they have never been used to study forest values before. The study concludes that there is compelling evidence suggesting homogeneity in forest values with up to 5 geospatial paradigms and up to 12 cognitive paradigms. The findings, especially close correlation between forest values and ethnolinguistics, provide a potential template for foresters to develop multiple models of natural resource or biodiversity stewardship based on local forest values. In terms of the wider application, indigenous knowledge cannot seemingly be sustained if it is integrated with or into western knowledge systems due to the lack of conceptual frameworks for cross-cultural epistemological or psychological integration. Coalescing under the rubric of post-modernism, however, we do find a number of complimentary trajectories, which seemingly provide space for knowledge equity, sustainability and bridging. These trajectories include hypertext theory, paradigm theory, abductive logic, adaptive management, ecospiritual paradigms, and post-modern forestry paradigms. These trajectories and findings offer planners globally a means for synergistic bridging between local and non-local knowledge systems on the road to sustainable forestry and biodiversity stewardship.

<p>This paper analyses the existence and nature of the sacred landscape Olands härad during the Bronze Age and Iron Age. Olands härad is located in Northern Uppland, onthe way to Östhammar, about 30 km northeast of Uppsala. The interpretations are done with help of place names studies as well as archaeological finds. The results indicate that different types of cult locations can be found in the area.</p>

This paper analyses the existence and nature of the sacred landscape Olands härad during the Bronze Age and Iron Age. Olands härad is located in Northern Uppland, onthe way to Östhammar, about 30 km northeast of Uppsala. The interpretations are done with help of place names studies as well as archaeological finds. The results indicate that different types of cult locations can be found in the area.

This thesis aims to study the Capacocha, which is an Inca ritual where children were offered to their gods in the sacred places called Huacas (places of origin) and offered artefacts together with the children links to the Inca's sacred symbol, the Chakana, which in turn it is the life philosophy of the Inca culture. This thesis uses this philosophy to understand the phenomenon and the elements that define Huacas and the Capacocha ritual. Furthermore, a hermeneutic approach with phenomenology and phenomenology of landscape theory is applied to understand the symbolism and meaning from the Inca's cultural perspective. For this thesis, three specific case studies are analysed: the children from Llullaillaco, Chuscha and Cerro El Plomo, all situated at high altitudes (5200 - 6739 m) in the Andes. These selected places by the Incas were Huacas. The analysis is built on a comprehensive study of the cultural value and the symbolic meaning of the Capacocha ritual in relation to the Huacas and the Incas' perspective (Chakana) since previous studies concerning the Capacocha ritual, and Huacas did not consider the Chakana philosophy in their interpretations. The aim is to narrow the gap in understanding the Inca worldview to contribute with academic knowledge and understanding of the phenomenon that defines Huacas and the Capacocha ritual from the Incas' perspective. The study shows that the Incas had a holistic perspective where everything is entangled through time and space, and this demonstrates that the children were not just offered to the Inca gods. Instead, the children lived among the gods because they became gods through the Capacocha ritual, a transformation process. / Denna uppsats syftar till att studera Inkaritualen Capacocha, där barn offrades tillsammans med andra offergåvor till sina gudar på de heliga platserna som kallas Huacas (ursprungsplatser) och barnen och offergåvorna hänger samman med Inkafolkets heliga symbol, Chakana, som är inkakulturens livsfilosofi. Denna studie använder denna filosofi för att förstå fenomenet och de element som definierar Huacas och Capacocha-ritualen. Vidare tillämpas ett hermeneutiskt förhållningssätt med fenomenologi och fenomenologi inom landskapsteorin för att förstå symboliken och innebörden ur inkafolkets kulturella perspektiv. I denna uppsats analyseras tre specifika fallstudier: barnen från Llullaillaco, Chuscha och Cerro El Plomo och alla är belägna på hög höjd (5200 - 6739 m) i Anderna. Dessa utvalda platser av inkafolket var Huacas. Analysen bygger på en omfattande studie av det kulturella värdet och den symboliska innebörden av Capacocha-ritualen i relation till Huacas och inka perspektivet (Chakana) sedan tidigare studier angående Capacocha-ritualen, och Huacas beaktade inte Chakana-filosofin i sina tolkningar. Syftet är att minska klyftan i förståelsen av inkavärldsbilden för att bidra med akademisk kunskap och förståelse för det fenomen som definierar Huacas och Capacocharitualen ur inkafolkets perspektiv. Studien visar att inkafolket hade ett holistiskt perspektiv där allt är sammanflätat i tid och rum, och detta visar att barnen inte bara offrades till inkagudarna. Istället levde barnen bland gudarna eftersom de själva blev gudar genom Capacocharitualen, som står för en förvandlingsprocess. / Esta tesis tiene como objetivo estudiar el ritual de Capacocha, el cual es un ritual inca donde se ofrecían niños junto con artefactos a sus dioses en los lugares sagrados llamados Huacas (lugares de origen), los cuales estaban vinculados al símbolo sagrado de los Incas, el Chakana, que en a su vez es la filosofía de vida de la cultura Inca. Esta tesis utiliza esta filosofía para comprender el fenómeno y los elementos que definen a las Huacas y el ritual de la Capacocha, aplicando un enfoque hermenéutico con la fenomenología y la fenomenología de la teoría del paisaje para comprender el simbolismo y el significado desde la perspectiva cultural de los incas. Para esta tesis se analizan tres casos de estudio específicos: los niños de Llullaillaco, Chuscha y Cerro El Plomo, todos ellos situados a gran altura (5200 - 6739 m). Estos lugares seleccionados por los Incas fueron las Huacas. El análisis se construye a partir de un estudio integral del valor cultural y el significado simbólico del ritual Capacocha en relación con las Huacas y la perspectiva de los Incas (Chakana). El estudio derivó debido a que estudios previos sobre el ritual Capacocha, y Huacas no consideraron la filosofía Chakana durante sus interpretaciones, lo cual dejó una brecha de entendimiento del ritual y los lugares, ya que el Chakana está conectado al ritual y los lugares, misma que es una filosofía de vida que rige mucho la perspectiva de los Incas. Al ignorar esta filosofía, muchas de las interpretaciones de los estudios previos son incompletas o sesgadas debido a la influencia de la perspectiva occidental. Por ello, el objetivo de mi tesis es acortar la brecha en la comprensión de la cultura Inca y para contribuir con el conocimiento académico y la comprensión del fenómeno que define a Huacas y el ritual Capacocha desde una perspectiva más cercana a su origen, los Incas y el Chakana.   Como resultado, el estudio demostró que los incas tenían una perspectiva holística donde todo se entrelaza a través del tiempo y el espacio, y demostrando que los niños no solo eran ofrecidos a los dioses incas. En cambio, los niños vivieron entre los dioses porque se convirtieron en dioses a través del ritual Capacocha, un proceso de transformación influenciado por la filosofía del Chakana. El resultado, también mostró que la filosofía del Chakana influenció todo el proceso, y que para los Incas, no hubo sacrificios; ellos dieron ofrendas a sus dioses. Y que en realidad, desde su perspectiva, los niños no murieron, sino que tomaron otra forma de vida para formar parte de un vínculo a través de los mundos de los Incas.

Aqui se explora a questão da apreensão do espaço do mundo conhecido no século V a.C, principalmente, a partir da obra do historiador grego Heródoto. Para isso parte-se da percepção do espaço do mundo, dividido em porções de acordo com uma cultura, a grega, para em seguida se estabelecer uma tipologia dos espaços do mundo, entendendo alguns momentos importantes da demarcação geográfica do planeta, dos povos e culturas. Num segundo momento a busca caminha para um tipo específico de espaço: aquele que é sacralizado pela cultura. Dessa forma entende-se que a cultura cria uma paisagem sagrada erigida a partir de lugares classificados através de uma tipologia que estabelecemos segundo a utilização do termo hieros e suas variantes, por Heródoto. Espaço sacralizado transformado em paisagem. No último momento, com base da tipologia do espaço sagrado, busca-se o sagrado entre Homero e Heródoto, entendendo as ligações como parte de um todo cultural de dois indivíduos que se preocupam em registrar o mundo, seus povos e culturas bem como as especificidades de suas relações com o meio em que vivem, mormente o sagrado. / Here the subject of the apprehension of the space of the known world is explored in the V century b.C., mainly, starting from the Greek historian's work Herodotus. For that begins of the perception of the space of the world, divided in portions in agreement with a culture, the Greek, for soon after to settle down a typology of the spaces of the world, understanding some important moments of the geographical demarcation of the planet, of the people and cultures. In a second moment the search bed for a specific type of space: that sacralizade for the culture. In that way understands each other that the culture creates a sacred landscape erected starting from places classified through of a typology that we established according to the use of the term hieros and your variants, by Herodotus. Sacred space transformed in sacred landscape. In the last moment, with base in the typology of the sacred space, the sacred is looked for between Homer and Herodotus, understanding the connections as part of an all cultural of two individuals that you/they worry in registering the world, our people and cultures as well as the specific details of your relationships with the sacred. (rever)

Aqui se explora a questão da apreensão do espaço do mundo conhecido no século V a.C, principalmente, a partir da obra do historiador grego Heródoto. Para isso parte-se da percepção do espaço do mundo, dividido em porções de acordo com uma cultura, a grega, para em seguida se estabelecer uma tipologia dos espaços do mundo, entendendo alguns momentos importantes da demarcação geográfica do planeta, dos povos e culturas. Num segundo momento a busca caminha para um tipo específico de espaço: aquele que é sacralizado pela cultura. Dessa forma entende-se que a cultura cria uma paisagem sagrada erigida a partir de lugares classificados através de uma tipologia que estabelecemos segundo a utilização do termo hieros e suas variantes, por Heródoto. Espaço sacralizado transformado em paisagem. No último momento, com base da tipologia do espaço sagrado, busca-se o sagrado entre Homero e Heródoto, entendendo as ligações como parte de um todo cultural de dois indivíduos que se preocupam em registrar o mundo, seus povos e culturas bem como as especificidades de suas relações com o meio em que vivem, mormente o sagrado. / Here the subject of the apprehension of the space of the known world is explored in the V century b.C., mainly, starting from the Greek historian's work Herodotus. For that begins of the perception of the space of the world, divided in portions in agreement with a culture, the Greek, for soon after to settle down a typology of the spaces of the world, understanding some important moments of the geographical demarcation of the planet, of the people and cultures. In a second moment the search bed for a specific type of space: that sacralizade for the culture. In that way understands each other that the culture creates a sacred landscape erected starting from places classified through of a typology that we established according to the use of the term hieros and your variants, by Herodotus. Sacred space transformed in sacred landscape. In the last moment, with base in the typology of the sacred space, the sacred is looked for between Homer and Herodotus, understanding the connections as part of an all cultural of two individuals that you/they worry in registering the world, our people and cultures as well as the specific details of your relationships with the sacred. (rever)

Aqui se explora a questão da apreensão do espaço do mundo conhecido no século V a.C, principalmente, a partir da obra do historiador grego Heródoto. Para isso parte-se da percepção do espaço do mundo, dividido em porções de acordo com uma cultura, a grega, para em seguida se estabelecer uma tipologia dos espaços do mundo, entendendo alguns momentos importantes da demarcação geográfica do planeta, dos povos e culturas. Num segundo momento a busca caminha para um tipo específico de espaço: aquele que é sacralizado pela cultura. Dessa forma entende-se que a cultura cria uma paisagem sagrada erigida a partir de lugares classificados através de uma tipologia que estabelecemos segundo a utilização do termo hieros e suas variantes, por Heródoto. Espaço sacralizado transformado em paisagem. No último momento, com base da tipologia do espaço sagrado, busca-se o sagrado entre Homero e Heródoto, entendendo as ligações como parte de um todo cultural de dois indivíduos que se preocupam em registrar o mundo, seus povos e culturas bem como as especificidades de suas relações com o meio em que vivem, mormente o sagrado. / Here the subject of the apprehension of the space of the known world is explored in the V century b.C., mainly, starting from the Greek historian's work Herodotus. For that begins of the perception of the space of the world, divided in portions in agreement with a culture, the Greek, for soon after to settle down a typology of the spaces of the world, understanding some important moments of the geographical demarcation of the planet, of the people and cultures. In a second moment the search bed for a specific type of space: that sacralizade for the culture. In that way understands each other that the culture creates a sacred landscape erected starting from places classified through of a typology that we established according to the use of the term hieros and your variants, by Herodotus. Sacred space transformed in sacred landscape. In the last moment, with base in the typology of the sacred space, the sacred is looked for between Homer and Herodotus, understanding the connections as part of an all cultural of two individuals that you/they worry in registering the world, our people and cultures as well as the specific details of your relationships with the sacred. (rever)

The goal of this study is to give an archaeological comprehension of Água de Meninos Bay (Salvador/Bahia) as a sacred site, formed by layers of material and intangible meanings, due to the submerged presence of an iron structure attributed to Exu. Thus, the intentional presence of a religious structure characterizes this space as a historic site, making it possible to think of the processes of religious appropriation of the landscape, the handling of the materiality and the construction of diasporic realities on the New World. Exu possesses mythical powers related to trade and communication, presently worshipped on the extension of Benin Gulf and in the Afro Brazilian religions, the deity is considered to be the protector of fairs and markets as well as the patron of the circulation of goods and knowledges. The religious structure was found near the Ferry Boat station. The Ferry-Boat station site is located between the historical region where successive fairs took place in the 19th and 20th centuries and the Salvador sea Port, which is at work since the 16th century on Água de Meninos. Therefore, the Archaeology of Religion was taken as the theoretical and methodological field to be applied in the problematization both of the afro-religious material culture and the Bay s landscape, in order to allow the ritualistic, religious and sacred aspects Bahian Afro descendant populations to acquire archaeological sense and meaning. / O objetivo desse estudo é compreender arqueologicamente a Enseada de Água de Meninos (Salvador/Bahia) como uma paisagem sagrada, composta por camadas de significados materiais e intangíveis, devido à presença submersa de uma estrutura de ferro atribuída a Exu. Dessa forma, a presença intencional da estrutura religiosa ao fundo da Enseada configura esse espaço como um sítio histórico, permitindo pensar sobre os processos de apropriação religiosa da paisagem, de manipulação da materialidade e da construção de realidades diaspóricas no Novo Mundo. Exu possui poderes míticos relacionados ao comércio e à comunicação, cultuado atualmente na extensão do Golfo do Benin e no interior das religiões afro-brasileiras, é considerado o protetor das feiras e dos mercados como também patrono da circulação de bens e saberes. Por sua vez, a estrutura religiosa, foi registrada próxima ao Ferry Boat. O espaço do Ferry Boat está situado entre a região histórica da presença de sucessivas feiras, entre o século XIX e XX e o Porto marítimo de Salvador, em funcionamento desde o século XVI, em Água de Meninos. Para tanto, a Arqueologia da Religião é entendida como o campo teórico-metodológico a ser utilizado na problematização da cultura material afro-religiosa e da paisagem da Enseada, permitindo que os aspectos rituais, religiosos e sagrados das populações afrodescendentes na Bahia ganhem sentido e significado arqueológico.

Archaeological research at the Cerro Ventarrón and Collud-Zarpán complex, which began in 2007, has revealed the origins and emergence of early civilization in the Lambayeque Valley. The Huaca Ventarrón Temple was the core of a primeval ceremonial center whose first phase is dated around 2035-2300 BC. This center complex includes the archaeological site of Arenal, located on a hillslope to the southwest. The site has 1 square kilometer of Archaic Period monumental architecture. During the Formative Period, probably beginning in the Initial Period, the Collud-Zarpán site, situated at the northeast end of the Huaca Ventarrón Complex, was the valley’s theocratic capital. It covered more than 2 square kilometers of ceremonial architecture spread between two mounds aligned east to west. / Las investigaciones arqueológicas en el área del cerro Ventarrón y el complejo Collud-Zarpán, iniciadas en 2007, han permitido conocer las características del origen y florecimiento de la civilización en el valle de Lambayeque. El Templo o Huaca Ventarrón, ubicado al pie de la elevación del mismo nombre, fue el núcleo de un primigenio centro ceremonial cuya fase inicial ha sido fechada alrededor de 2035 a 2300 A.C. En esta zona también se ubica el sitio de Arenal, situado en la falda suroeste de cerro Ventarrón. Este conjunto presenta alrededor de 1 kilómetro cuadrado de arquitectura monumental del Periodo Arcaico. Por su parte, durante el Periodo Formativo —y, tal vez, desde el Periodo Inicial—, el complejo Collud-Zarpán, localizado al noroeste de Huaca Ventarrón, constituyó la capital teocrática del valle y abarcó más de 2 kilómetros cuadrados de arquitectura ceremonial repartida entre dos montículos alineados en sentido Este-Oeste.