<p>The aim of this study is to discuss different motives behind the perceived transition from economic sanctions towards smart sanctions. The human rights aspect is also considered in the study, in terms of the wider humanism which is associated with smart sanctions. Does this relate to the fact that human rights have got an increased esteem in society, whereas economic, social and cultural rights be on equality with civil and political rights? Economic sanctions have been used extensively during the 1990s, both by the UN and by different regional organisations and countries. The hardest sanction regime has been imposed on Iraq. In this study, Iraq is used to highlight economic sanctions and the outcome is discussed in order to highlight the transition towards smart sanctions. Smart sanctions have been imposed three times till now, where Zimbabwe was the last example in February 2002. The effects of these sanctions are put in contradiction to Iraq, and the differences them between are discussed. Conclusions are that the ongoing transition and development towards smart sanctions have a multilateral character, where economic, efficiency, ideological, and humane motives areof considerable importance. The humane motives are of most significance for this development. Smart sanctions will continue to develop and be implemented, when international society find it necessary to maintain or restore peace or emphasise the existing rules or norms in the prevailing world. Despite the motives behind the transition towards smart sanctions, the dividing line between the two groups of human rights is still distinct. But due to new initiatives from both the UN and NGOs such as Amnesty International this dividing line is slowly starting to erase. It is not possible now to state that economic, social and cultural rights have got an increased esteem and be on equality with civil and political rights, but if the beginning consciousness is here to stay, it is likely to see an increased esteem in the near future.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 275-285).

Import sanctions were used to a very limited extent against South Africa in the early sixties and latter half of the seventies to clearly signal the international community's disapproval of the country's apartheid policy. In the middle eighties South Africa was further exposed to a two year wave of export and financial sanctions. This was after the government had already committed itself to move away from apartheid as a policy that was no longer deemed feasible. All these sanctions were lifted in the early nineties after the abolition of apartheid but before negotiations for a new constitutional dispensation had firmly got under way. Contrary to some popular impressions, the 1985-87 sanctions were also severe1y limited in scope and nature, with the result that their economic impact was only marginal at best. They were introduced at a time when the country unexpectedly had to face a foreign debt crisis and had to drastically adjust the economy downward, not unlike that experienced by many other developing countries. The severe recession and greater socio-political unrest that followed did not lead to an escalation of sanctions, but nevertheless threatened to make large parts of the country ungovernable. The evidence is that sanctions only played a minor role in bringing about this poor and deteriorating state of affairs. The political aims of abolishing apartheid and preparing the way for negotiations was achieved mainly as a result of certain internal political developments, together with the political implications of such major other outside developments as the economic collapse of Sub-Saharan Africa and the Soviet Union. South Africa's experience with sanctions confirms that as elsewhere their economic impact as an instrument of foreign policy was invariably exaggerated, whereas their contribution in explaining the subsequent course of political events was at best uncertain. / Department of Economics / Ph.D. (Economics)

On the tariff of penal sanctions, the police caution is considered as the least punitive, least criminalizing and most efficient way of handling 'less serious' cases at the pre-trial stage. Despite its humanitarian and managerial potential, however, cautioning gives great cause for concern. Research work spanning almost fifty years has systematically demonstrated deeply problematic aspects of the practice, and in the absence of any clear explanation, the discretionary power of the police in cautioning matters has served as a 'bucket theory' of observed discrepancies. This has led to a reformist politics which seeks out ever more sophisticated ways of regulating, standardizing and controlling cautioning discretion. Yet, the problems persist and, in some respects, are worsening. In the light of the explanatory and political bankruptcy of the received wisdom of police cautioning, this thesis seeks to develop an alternative perspective on the practice so that a different politics of reform can be formulated. The thesis takes as its starting point a questioning of the epistemological tenets of both conventional and critical cautioning knowledge, and from this analytical debris an alternative epistemological project is salvaged. This involves, first, a genealogical examination of cautioning practice through which an original question is posed - what kind of policework is this; and second, the development of a theoretical framework based on structurationist principles which re-conceptualizes cautioning discretion as structured and strategic action. Guided by these theoretical and conceptual commitments, an empirical study of cautioning practice in a Southern police force area is undertaken, and centres on a grounded analysis of the implementation of a 'new' prosecution and diversion initiative which aims to resolve cautioning issues through the application of 'rules'. Two key themes are explored through the lens of the implementation process. First, how is cautioning policy and practice constituted as policework and positioned in a common relationship with other forms of policing; and second, what kinds of policing values and ideologies are expressed by and reproduced in cautioning relations. What is proposed, then, is a theory of police cautioning which not only challenges conventional understandings of the practice but points to the need for a political agenda which moves beyond the simple formulation of a rules-discretion approach.

Targeted sanctions’ impact over rebel groups has not been examined by scholars, making it unclear whether the policy mechanism has the capacity to peacefully resolve intrastate armed conflicts and cease hostilities by weakening rebel groups. Considering the mentioned, the paper explores how targeted sanctions impact rebel groups, and suggests that properly monitored and effectively enforced targeted sanctions have the capacity to weaken rebel groups, via shortening rebels’ economic, military and political resources. Using the method of structured, focused comparison, the suggested hypothesis is empirically tested on the rebel groups of Revolutionary United Front in Sierra Leone and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in Angola. The findings of the study revealed that effectively monitored and enforced targeted sanctions are capable of lessening rebels’ military and political resources, however, observing sanctions impact on economic resources proved difficult. Based on the analyses and findings the paper suggests that imposition of targeted sanctions should be initiated at the early warning phase of a conflict, rather at the point when the intensity of conflict has reached its peak.

This analysis examines and explains the emergent model of crisis management manifest at the end of the first decade of the post-Cold War era. The end of the Cold War heralded fundamental and widespread changes in many ways but it did not, as events continue to demonstrate, confine to history the phenomenon of international crises. Indeed, evidence suggests that the post-Cold War period has witnessed an increase rather than a decrease in the incidence of crises. However, what has changed is what constitutes a crisis, the range of responses available to those who manage them and the criteria by which a successful outcome may be gauged. Changes too are apparent in time-scales and attitudes of decision-makers. These changes are not constants in all crisis situations: moreover, their impact varies. Whilst this transition is evolutionary and incremental, it is nonetheless fundamental and real. The transition from the Cold War model of crisis management to the post-Cold War model has not been smooth or by deliberate design: it has evolved somewhat haphazardly. Using the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis as a template of Cold War crisis management, comparison and contrast is made with the three post-Cold War crises in which the major powers became entangled; the 1990-91 Gulf War, the Bosnian crisis which lasted from 1991 until 1995, and the 1998-99 Kosovo crisis. This analysis examines what has changed, whilst assessing any change in import of what has not. To do this necessitates drawing upon a variety of topics that merited detailed study in their own right. However, this paper does not seek to provide a history of UN operations, nor is it an analysis of pure strategic theory or a treatise on United States foreign policy. The most obvious differences between the two eras are to be found in the changed relationship between the United States and Russia, formerly the USSR, and consequently the significant reduction in the likelihood of global nuclear conflict. With the nuclear threshold so dramatically raised and the starkness of strategic superpower stand-off removed, other features of crises have been afforded commensurately greater prominence. Indeed the removal of restraint conditioned by the certain knowledge of mutual destruction has coincided with an increase in the incidence of crises.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Pau. / Bibliogr. 674-730. Index.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Droit privé--Toulon, 2000. / Notice réd. d'après la couv. Bibliogr. p. 479-499. Index.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Thesis advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas, Archie Barrett. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-73, 75-79). Also available online.

The thesis evaluates the significance of sport's contribution to the end of apartheid by locating sport in a network of international relations. Sports diplomacy is identified as a relatively low-cost, low-risk but high profile tool of diplomatic policy. It is argued that the profile of sport in South Africa made the apartheid system particularly susceptible to sports based protest. The study makes a case for a degree of theoretical fusion to provide an appropriate context within which to analyse the unique nature of the Anti-Apartheid campaign. As an international issue, the politics of the Anti-Apartheid movement are substantially encapsulated within a pluralist framework. It is acknowledged that to rely totally on such a framework would risk failing to capture the multi-layered nature of the conflict over apartheid. An adapted version of hegemony sport theory is therefore used to conceptualise the South African social formation and the practice of sport therein. In the absence of quantitative measures, two measures of significance are proposed. First, the capacity of sports based protest to influence the policies of international sports organisations and international bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth. Second, the ability of sport to prompt responses from the government and in doing so, for sport to act as a prototype for more politically significant measures that paved the way for the transformation to democracy. Attention is paid to the processes through which sport became a globally visible feature of the Anti-Apartheid movement. It is argued that the global profile of sport contributed to a more coherent understanding of apartheid policies and in tum prompted policy actors to penalise (white) South Africa in the form of international isolation from sport. The research for the thesis has been conducted part-time since February 1994. It necessitated a research visit to South Mrica in the summer of 1997, and involved primary and secondary data collection, and elite interviewing in both South Mrica and the United Kingdom. Unpublished data sources in Pretoria and Cape Town, and South African newspapers have been used extensively. It is concluded that domestic sports protest highlighted the injustices of apartheid to the international community and contributed to establishing a non-racial ideology that is the foundation of democratic South Africa. International sports sanctions, in the form of the sports boycott of South Mrica, provided a form of cultural diplomacy to state and non-state actors alike that fulfilled an important symbolic function and served to maintain the profile of the Anti-Apartheid campaign as an important global social movement. The accelerated readmission of South Mrica to international sport was an example that sports sanctions were also designed to promote change in addition to their punitive intent.