The New Zealand Government is striving to improve the way it measures progress and plans for change in an integrated ‘whole of government’ manner. The Local Government Act 2002 serves to strengthen participatory democracy and community governance. Under the Act, local authorities are charged with monitoring, and, not less than once every three years, reporting on the progress made by the community in achieving its outcomes for the district or region. These outcomes belong to the community and encompass what the community considers important to progress towards. Indicators that measure economic, social, environmental, cultural and democratic progress at local level are a primary tool that local authorities use to measure the progress towards their desired outcomes. To successfully track progress, it is important that indicators are technically sound and reflect the values of the entire community. The monitoring of indicators is expected to be ongoing and participatory. The New Zealand Government has leant heavily towards a decentralised locally driven approach to community indicators. The purpose of this study was to explore the manner in which different local authorities have undertaken community indicator: development, monitoring and reporting. This was undertaken through a two pronged approach: 1). A scoping exercise assessing the contents of eighteen local authority LTCCPs, 2). In-depth case studies of community indicator programmes of five of the eighteen local authorities. It was found that the approaches used to develop, monitor and report community indicators ranged abruptly across local authorities. Some councils appear to have relatively robust and meaningful indicator processes in place, which are both technically sound and have gained representative community input. In contrast, other councils hold a compliance mentality towards community indicators and have done the bare minimum when designing their indicator frameworks. These frameworks have tended to be council dominated with few opportunities for community involvement. In addition to this, local authorities poorly communicated indicators through their LTCCPs. The inadequate information detailing indicators processes is unlikely to both educate and promote community buy-in. Councils must place greater emphasis on the engagement of the entire community including other governmental departments, to ensure that indicators are relevant and meaningful for all. Consistency across local authority indicator frameworks will also help to ensure that all local authorities are working in an integrated manner towards the common goal of improving community well-being. Initiatives such as the Linked indicators Project and the Quality of Life Project are possible methods of ensuring consistent indicator frameworks. Finally, councils must provide greater information about community indicators within their LTCCPs.

This thesis addresses the puzzle of variation in first-generation regulatory policies for controversial science and technology, as demonstrated in the cases of agricultural genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and human embryonic stem cell research in the United Kingdom and the United States. Why did policy outcomes vary in each technology case? This study answers this question by placing greater emphasis on institutional factors. Although works within institutional analysis, bureaucracy and regulation literatures make significant progress in revealing how existing institutions can shape outcomes, how far one can characterize bureaucratic behavior and whether interest groups capture regulation, they nevertheless create an opening for research that: describes a mechanism for path dependence to explain variation in policies; shows the degree to which bureaucratic behaviors can influence outcomes; and, highlights instances in which regulatory officials hold power. This thesis makes an original contribution by providing new historical details relating to these cases, and by providing an extensive elaboration of Pierson’s criteria for increasing returns and a so-called secondary test of path dependence to explain outcomes. The study recounts the biography of key policy documents in each case by tracing the process of decision-making through government and archival sources, secondary literature and more than 40 elite interviews. In doing so, it details the activities of key governmental bodies within the European Union, UK and US. Moreover, it shows how the Coordinated Framework (1986) and Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990 framework represented decision-making structures which triggered changes in actors and interests and shaped permissive outcomes for GMOs and stem cell research in the US and UK, respectively. Furthermore, lack of comparable structures may help account for restrictive policies for GMOs in Europe and the UK, and for stem cell research in the US.

Transitional justice has undergone tremendous shifts since it was first used in Latin American and Eastern European countries to address post-authoritarian and post-communist legacies of atrocity and repression. In particular, the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has increased the demand for prosecutions within a field that was previously marked by compromise and non-prosecution. While there are increasing expectations that countries with unresolved claims of human rights abuses should enact transitional justice policies, most of the literature on the subject largely omits to explain how elites from those countries choose among the possible options of transitional justice, and specifically, how they choose among international prosecutions, domestic prosecutions, and truth-seeking. Using case studies of Kenya and Uganda, this dissertation examines this decision-making process to understand how elites choose and reject different transitional justice policies. Theoretically, the research examines how preferences for transitional justice policies are constituted through “judicial statecraft”: the strategic efforts by heterogeneous, interest-pursuing elites to use justice-related policies as carrots and sticks in the overall contestation of power. The research finds that the choices of elites about judicial statecraft depend on three factors: the extent to which the elites are secure that their policy choices cannot be subverted from within; the cost and credibility of transitional justice threats; and the effects, both intended and unintended, of history.

This dissertation analyses the ability of Chinese lawyers to use administrative litigation to protect individuals and groups from an authoritarian state that frequently infringes on their rights. These plaintiffs fill administrative courts in China, opposing the overzealous tactics of police, challenging the expropriation of their land, and disputing the seizure and demolition of their homes. Empirically, it relies on several unique data sources in a mixed-methodological approach. Qualitative and small-n quantitative data from 126 interviews with a random sample of Chinese lawyers and 52 additional interviews are supplemented by documentary sources. These findings are then tested against official data and a large survey of Chinese lawyers. This research demonstrates that administrative litigation is part of a polycentric authoritarian system that helps the Chinese state to monitor its agents, allows limited political participation, and facilitates economic development (Chapter One). By giving ordinary Chinese a chance to hold their local governments accountable in court, administrative litigation represents a significant step towards rule of law, but its limited scope means that it has not been accompanied by dramatic liberalisation (Chapter Three). In part, this is because the most prolific and successful administrative litigators are politically embedded lawyers, insiders who challenge the state in court but eschew the most radical cases and tactics (Chapter Four). The tactics that allow politically embedded lawyers to successfully litigate administrative cases rely on and contribute to China’s polycentric authoritarianism by drawing in other state, quasi-state, and non-state actors (Chapter Five). Multinationals in China are largely failing to contribute to the development of China’s legal system because they readily accept preferential treatment from the Chinese state as an alternative to litigation (Chapter Six). While administrative litigation bolsters China’s polycentric authoritarianism in the short term, it offers tremendous potential for rationalisation, liberalisation, and even democratisation in the long term.

This thesis contributes to the growing EU-US literature by comparing and explaining the evolution of urban policy in these two federal systems. The thesis begins with a puzzle: after introducing two similar and equally short-lived regeneration schemes—Model Cities (MC) (1967) and URBAN (1994)—the US and the EU followed different paths: the former replaced MC with the durable Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) in 1974, while the latter ended urban policy by ‘mainstreaming’ URBAN in its regional policy in 2006. To solve the puzzle I formulate a two-part argument: first, I explain the similarities between MC and URBAN as resulting from three factors: a favourable political context, holistic urban policy ideas, and centre-periphery mistrust. I then explain subsequent trajectories by looking at the interplay of policy and politico-constitutional institutions. While both MC and URBAN were unable to ‘stick’ because of their inherent weaknesses, the result of their demise depended on the existence of a federal ‘city welfare’ state. In the US, the Housing and Urban Development Department (HUD) embodied this state, and channelled Nixon’s attacks on MC into the creation of the structurally stronger CDBG. In the EU, conversely, DG Regio could not provide a comparable anchor for urban policy: when URBAN was attacked by regions and cities, the DG just reverted to its ‘business as usual’ by mainstreaming the programme. I test my argument with a macro-historical comparison of the two cases and four in-depth city studies—Arlington, VA and Baltimore, MD on the US side, and Bristol, UK and Pescara, Italy on the EU side—aimed at analysing micro-level institutional dynamics. In both parts of the study I use a wide range of sources: secondary and grey literature, statistical sources and, especially, archival material and elite interviews. At both levels of analysis the test confirms my argument.

Changes in juvenile justice are often attributed to increases in offending and media attention to crime. A "cycle" of reforms, which alternate between punitive and treatment type responses has been identified. This study explores the possibility that wider socio-political events also have implications for reforms. Nations in which welfare and juvenile justice systems are highly integrated, may exhibit different patterns of policy change than those observed elsewhere. Changes in juvenile justice policy in New Zealand and Sweden are examined. The implications of policy change for the rights and responsibilities of those involved in the juvenile justice system are also examined. This includes the State, juvenile offenders and their parents and the victims of crime. Particular attention is given to the status of parental rights.

This thesis studies how scientists and science were put to use in the passing of the 1962 Water Fluoridation Act. The law was created for a specific purpose: that of facilitating the continuation of the water fluoridation trials that had been under way in Norrköping until January 1962, when they were forced to cease, having been deemed illegal by the Supreme Administrative Court.  By studying the network of scientists who were either directly involved in or explicitly supportive of the Norrköping trials, and their actions as members of the two expert committees formed in the 1950’s by the Royal Board of Medicine, and which would come to greatly influence the legislative process, the thesis examines how personal and research interests transferred from Norrköping into the issue of nationwide fluoridation.  Using analytical tools gathered from Roger Pielke Jr. and Daniel Sarewitz, the thesis utilizes the concept of uncertainty to describe how scientists, in the political process, assumed different roles in order to further the cause of fluoridation on the one hand, but also to maintain an ideal image of the relationship between science and politics. Furthermore, the tension within the concept of scientization is examined, illuminating how the political end result - the law - is made possible by means of a balancing act between science’s claims to objective truth and the value-driven, often ethically charged discourse of politics.   Fianlly, the case of fluoridation is placed in the context of the welfare state and the public health project, where it emerges as a part of a broader political and societal renegotiation of the relationship between the individual and the state, which I argue was taking place in Sweden during ”the long fifties”. / Uppsatsen studerar hur forskare och vetenskap kom till användning i skapandet av 1962 års Lag om tillsättande av fluor till vattenledningsvatten. Lagen kom till med ett specifikt syfte, nämligen att möjliggöra för en fortsättning av de försök med fluoridering av dricksvatten som hade pågått i Norrköping fram till januari 1962, då de tvingats att upphöra efter att ha bedömts som olagliga av Regeringsrätten.  Genom att studera det nätverk av forskare som knöts till Norrköpingsförsöken, antingen som direkt involverade eller som förespråkare, och hur dessa agerade som medlemmar av de två expertkommittéer som tillsattes av Medicinalstyrelsen för att utreda frågan om fluoranvändning i kariesförebyggande syfte, vilka kom att utöva ett betydande inflytande på lagstiftningsprocessen, undersöker uppsatsen hur forsknings- och personliga intressen överfördes från Norrköping till frågan om rikstäckande vattenfluoridering.  Med hjälp av analytiska verktyg hämtade från Roger Pielke Jr. och Daniel Sarewitz, tar uppsatsen fasta på begreppet osäkerhet för att beskriva hur forskarna i den politiska processen antog olika roller, i syfte att dels främja fluorideringen som sådan, men också att upprätthålla rådande ideal om relationen mellan vetenskap och politik. Vidare undersöks spänningen i den process som Roger Pielke kallar scientization, och hur det politiska slutresultatet - lagen - blev verklighet till följd av en balansgång mellan vetenskapens anspråk på objektiv sanning och politikens värderingsdrivna och ofta etiskt färgade diskurs.  Slutligen placeras fallet med vattenfluorideringen i välfärdsstatens och folkhälsoprojektets kontext, där det framträder som en del av en bredare politisk och samhällelig omförhandling av relationen mellan individ och samhälle, som jag menar ägde rum i Sverige under ”det långa femtiotalet”.

The growth in the interdependence and complexity of socio-technical systems requires the development of tools and techniques to aid in the formulation of better policies. The efforts of this research focus towards developing methodologies and support tools for better policy design and formulation. In this thesis, a new framework and a systematic approach for the formulation of policies are proposed. Focus has been directed to the interactions between policy measures, inspired by concepts in process design and network analysis. Furthermore, we have developed an agent-based approach to create a virtual environment for the exploration and analysis of different configurations of policy measures in order to build policy packages and test the effects of changes and uncertainties while formulating policies. By developing systematic approaches for the formulation and analysis of policies it is possible to analyse different configuration alternatives in greater depth, examine more alternatives and decrease the time required for the overall analysis. Moreover, it is possible to provide real-time assessment and feedback to the domain experts on the effect of changes in the configurations. These efforts ultimately help in forming more effective policies with synergistic and reinforcing attributes while avoiding internal contradictions. This research constitutes the first step towards the development of a general family of computer-based systems that support the design of policies. The results from this research also demonstrate the usefulness of computational approaches in addressing the complexity inherent in the formulation of policies. As a proof of concept, the proposed framework and methodologies have been applied to the formulation of policies that deal with transportation issues and emission reduction, but can be extended to other domains.

In New Zealand, the development of wind energy is occurring predominantly at a large scale level with very little opportunity for local people to become involved, either financially or conceptually. These conditions are creating situations of conflict between communities and wind energy developers – and are limiting the potential of the New Zealand wind energy industry. The inception of community ownership in small scale wind farms, developed in Europe in the late 20th Century, has helped to make a vital connection between wind energy and end users. Arguably, community wind farms are able to alleviate public concerns of wind energy’s impact on landscapes, amongst a wide range of other advantages. In Austria, community wind farms have offered significant development opportunities to local people, ushered in distributed generation, and all the while increasing the amount of renewable energy in the electricity mix. This thesis investigates whether community small scale wind (SSW) farms, such as those developed in Austria, are a viable and feasible option for the New Zealand context. The approach of this thesis examines the history of the Austrian wind industry and explores several community wind farm developments. In addition, interviews with stakeholders from Austria and New Zealand were conducted to develop an understanding of impressions and processes in developing community wind energy (CWE) in the New Zealand context. From this research an assessment of the transfer of the Austrian framework to the New Zealand situation is offered, with analysis of the differences between the wind energy industries in the two countries. Furthermore, future strategies are suggested for CWE development in New Zealand with recommendations for an integrated governmental approach. This research determines that the feasibility for the transfer of the Austrian framework development of ‘grassroots’ community wind farms in the next 10 years is relatively unlikely without greater support assistance from the New Zealand Government. This is principally due to the restricted economic viability of community wind farms and also significant regulatory and policy limitations. In the mid to long term, the New Zealand government should take an integrated approach to assist the development of community wind farms which includes: a collaborative government planning approach on the issue; detailed assessment of the introduction of feed-in tariff mechanisms and controlled activity status (RMA) for community wind farms; and development of limited liability company law for community energy companies. In the short term, however, the most feasible option available for the formation of community wind farms lies in quasi community developments with corporate partnerships.