Since 1959, DaLai Lama established the Central Tibetan Administration at Dharamsala in India. The secessionism had been used to push the movement of Tibetan independence to separate away from China. Till now, it is very successful internationalized Tibetan questions in international society. But, the P.R.C. has rejected DaLai Lama returned to Tibet. For the Chinese, if Tibet accepted to be a part of China, there would be no problem since China would only be entering its own territory. Furthermore, DaLai Lama would to be change his subject whatever from Independence to Autonomy. It just willing to return Tibet. The PRC had always refused the reguest of DaLai Lama. This thesis discussed the argument had come from PRC and the Central Tibetan Administration. It tried to explained the Tibetan questions, and would be realized what is the movement of secessionism in Tibet.

The scholarly field on decentralization and its relationship with secessionism is divided. Two camps can be distinguished, with opposite conclusions concerning the merits of autonomy concessions. A lack of systematic attention given to the varying capacity of decentralization to produce contrary outcomes has been identified. To address this, an in-depth case analysis on decentralization and secessionism in Spain and Catalonia was conducted. Using a theoretically-guided process tracing approach, this study explores the role of the state on the causal argument. Main findings suggest an increase in secessionist activity when full inclusion through central power sharing arrangements within the state’s executive organs is absent or limited.

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).

The Catalan movement of Independence is a well debated subject in Spanish news for the last decade. This thesis aims to examine what kind of identityarguments that spanish versus catalan newspapers make about the independence movement, in relation to nationalism and national identity. This is to deeper the understanding about the current complex situation in the Iberian Peninsula. The research shows that identityarguments about the independence movement presented by catalonian newspapers clearly put focus on identifying the ethnic and cultural reasons for the growing nationalism in the region, as well as discussing the political possibilities and obstacles of a sovereign Catalonia. In comparison, the identityarguments presented by spanish newspapers has another view of the situation, where the political aspect of the nationalistic catalan movement, identify the process as defying the Spanish Constitution and challenging the traditional historic unity of Spain. Within the debate there is a red line pointing out the importance of achieving and maintaining ones own right to express the meaning of the ’nation’ and the ’national identity’. Spain conquer the political and juridical battles of national values, whereas Catalonia  has power in its collective cultural values, which through the politic arena enhances its symbolic power for Catalonia.

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).

Increasing calls for regional independence are being made in several European countries, and such calls are accompanied by growing public support for secessionism. Over the last decade, Catalonia and Scotland have enjoyed the highest level of political mobilization for secession in the European Union. This research highlights the role of the media in changing attitudes toward independence and studies regionalist parties' strategic choices to understand their electoral success at the regional elections at a time of fast growth of independence sentiments among the population. This study employs different methods: process tracing to focus on the specificities of the independence process in a view to understand how the secessionist agenda transformed the cases; frame analysis of media links the theoretical arguments and their representation in the public discourse; content analysis of regional parties’ electoral programs via Regional Manifesto Project approach helps to define the strategic choices of regionalist parties which brought success to their secessionist agenda at the regional elections; most-similar cases comparative analysis allows to identify commonality and differences between the cases of Catalonia and Scotland. This dissertation uncovers how: the media communicate regionalist arguments to the audience; the media justify independence claims; regionalist parties strategize their secessionist programs. First, a strong pro-region bias is the main feature of media coverage. Secondly, saliency in influenced by the political process as a largely exogeneous factor, but the framing process may also influence reality by giving particular meaning to the major political events and by framing them as political opportunities or as having transformative power. Third, the political competition structure contributes to the strategic choices of political parties. My research contributes to the framing literature by considering the role of diagnosis, prognostic, and motivational framing in the independence discourse. It highlights the extent of pro-region message flows vis-à-vis pro-center and neutral messages in media communication. My analysis contributes to previous research on regionalist parties by making an in-depth case study to differentiate between subsuming and blurring strategies adopted by secessionist actors.

This study evaluates the influence of decentralization on ethnic conflict and secessionism. There is little agreement in the existing literature, as several scholars argue for regional autonomy as an effective method of conflict resolution while other scholars argue that decentralization exacerbates ethnic conflict by reinforcing ethnic identities and promoting ethnic mobilization. By adopting a theoretical framework that distinguishes itself from previous research, an argument is proposed that while regional autonomy concessions provide a direct short-term effect, the indirect consequences of decentralization risk reinforcing ethnic identities and encourage ethnic mobilization long-term. Thus, a combination of territorial and governmental power sharing is necessary for decentralization to be successful in reducing ethnic conflict and secessionism. By adopting a combined structural and group perspective on decentralization, the argument is implemented in a within-case comparison of Spain as well as a between-case comparison with Bosnia and Herzegovina. Main findings suggest that regional autonomy does not provide short-term reduction, rather, a combination of territorial and governmental power sharing with full inclusion into executive power is required for decentralization to successfully reduce ethnic conflict and secessionism. Additional insights on national identity as a compelling variable with potential theoretical inference were also gained.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis explores the ongoing Malay-Muslim separatist insurgency in southern Thailand. In particular, it argues that historically-rooted structural factors, to include relative economic deprivation, limited political integration, and struggle for the maintenance of ethnic-religious identity, are at the root of this insurgency. The year 2001 produced two catalysts for the renewal of this insurgency, one internal and one external. The internal catalyst was a newly elected suppressive government regime under the leadership of Prime Minister Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai Party. The external catalyst was the growing, increasingly radicalized Islamist movement, largely defined through terrorist violence, that expressed itself in the 9/11 attacks. The combination of these has produced rekindled secessionist violence of a previously unknown level in the Thai provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala. Given the deeply ingrained structural cause of this insurgency, as well as a government administration whose policies and conflict mismanagement continually fuels the violence, the prospect for conflict resolution is not promising. Nonetheless, it remains in the best interests of the United States that this conflict is soon resolved. Should the insurgency continue growing, the situation may reach a point of drastic consequences for Thailand as well as the United States. / Captain, United States Air Force

Aucun projet d’autodétermination kurde n’a donné lieu à un État souverain. Cependant, en 1991, une entité politique autonome kurde est née de facto au nord de l’Irak. Puis, en 2004, son statut a été élevé à celui de jure. Similairement, une entité autonome kurde existe de facto en Syrie depuis 2012. En même temps, les Kurdes de la Turquie et de l’Iran ont du mal à revendiquer leurs prétentions envers leurs États parents. Cela soulève des questions sur les facteurs qui déterminent les trajectoires de ces projets d’autodétermination. Ce mémoire de thèse propose que c’est une combinaison des effets des institutions étatiques et de la politique des Grandes Puissances qui les explique. Son cadre théorique est axé sur la supposition qu’on peut étendre la portée des théories institutionnalistes et géopolitiques issues de la bibliographie sur la sécession à l’ensemble des expressions d’autodétermination, y inclue l’autonomie. Ayant adopté un design de recherche d’étude de cas comparative, ce mémoire teste ses hypothèses à partir des données empiriques retracées à compter d’évènements clés, comme les crises d’État-nation, dans les trajectoires des projets d’autodétermination kurdes en Turquie, Syrie, Irak et Iran. Les trouvailles renforcent l’argument principal et sont spécifiquement significatives concernant l’intercession des Grandes Puissances. En somme, quand les revendications d’autodétermination s’alignent sur les intérêts des Grandes Puissances, celles-ci peuvent compenser les arrangements institutionnels non favorables sur place, ce qui permet l’apparition ou la consolidation de l’entité politique. Lorsqu’il y a un désalignement entre les deux, les Grandes Puissances soutiendront le statu quo. / Kurdish self-determination projects have not produced a sovereign state. However, later upgraded to de jure status in 2004, a Kurdish-led de facto autonomous polity emerged in 1991 in northern Iraq. Another Kurdish de facto autonomous polity exists in Syria since 2012. Meanwhile, Turkish and Iranian Kurds struggle to press their claims against their home state leaders. This raises questions about the factors that determine the trajectories of their self-determination projects. This thesis contends that it is a combination of domestic institutions and Great Power politics that inform them and builds its theoretical framework on the assumption that institutionalist and geopolitical explanations from the literature on secession can be extended to other expressions of self-determination, as autonomy. Through a comparative case study research design, this thesis tests a set of hypotheses against empirical evidence traced from several key events, such as nation-state crises, in the trajectories of Kurdish self-determination projects in Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran. The findings largely support the argument, and are specifically significant for Great Power intercession. In summary, they suggest that where self-determination claims align with the interests of Great Powers, they can offset the unfavorable institutional arrangements in place, allowing for polity emergence or consolidation. Where these claims and Great Power interests are misaligned, these uphold the status quo.