Security Sector Reform (SSR) has been established as a powerful tool in achieving sustainable peace in post-conflict countries, a belief which has strengthened since the events of September 11th 2001, and the subsequent war on terror which has seen both the UK and US heavily involved in peacebuilding operations in both Iraq and Afghanistan. However there is a concern that following these experiences, SSR has become little more than a process of building the military capacity of recipient countries in order to meet the immediate security needs of donor states. If this is true, then it could be interpreted as a regression in security thinking, where policy makers are focusing once again on state-centric notions of security as opposed to a new security thinking which considers the human security of all. This Master thesis seeks to investigate the current security thinking behind the United Kingdom’s policies with regard to assisting foreign states in their attempts at Security Sector Reform. Research, in the form of a qualitative content analysis within a case study, was conducted in order to gain an understanding of the UK’s overall assistance strategy in a real world context by identifying specific actions carried out by the UK as part of their involvement in the new Libyan Governments SSR process. These findings were then compared to an internationally recognised standard built on a holistic and long-term understanding of SSR in an analytical process in order to make interpretations and draw conclusions. In conclusion, the UK’s assistance strategy can be considered holistic and long-term; centred on building strategic influence within the new Libyan Governments security apparatus in order to effectively advocate the implementation of democratic reform and a human rights based approach to future SSR. However, that the UK is actively providing arms to Libya, despite the concerns of potentially fuelling conflict, leaves one to question how far new security thinking has really permeated British policy making.

After the United Nations' mission in Liberia (UNMIL) ends on September 30, 2015, effective policing will be a security concern for Liberians. Liberians have expressed fear that conflict could return if ongoing police training programs do not sustain public safety. The purpose of this mixed methods study was to understand how UNMIL's training affected public confidence in the Liberia National Police (LNP). The theoretical bases for this study included public choice theory and liberal democratic theory. Quantitative data were used to address impact of UNMIL's police training on the maintenance of law and order. These data were collected through a researcher-developed survey which measured recruitment, training, effectiveness (insert comma here) and public confidence in the LNP. Participants were government officials, members of UNMIL, LNP, and civic organizations (n = 120). Data were analyzed using ANOVA. Qualitative semistructured interview data were also gathered from 18 additional participants to address the challenges for quality improvement in the police security forces. The results were inductively coded and organized across themes and patterns. Quantitative findings indicated a moderately significant correlation between police perceived knowledge and job effectiveness (r = -0.35). However, qualitative findings show the government of Liberia failed to provide adequate resource support to complement the training due to its weak commitment. Diversity of trainers from contrasting policing jurisdictions produced an outcome that lacked a country-specific context for Liberia. This study promotes positive social change by informing future police training interventions by the United Nations on a host county's policing needs.

Security Sector Reform (SSR) is considered a significant feature in post-conflict peacebuilding efforts typically employed by states and international partners. Recently, the concept of SSR has played a significant role in the statebuilding process in Afghanistan after the Taliban regime; however, a disorganised and unplanned withdrawal poses severe threats to the security sector. This thesis explores the SSR efforts made by the western states after the end of the Taliban regime. The holistic approaches present in policy and strategy documents are quite challenging when it comes to SSR implementation in a post-conflict country ruled by an insurgent group for years. This thesis illustrates two competing approaches that show how SSR played a role in the post-conflict peacebuilding within Afghanistan and how peace spoilers and US/NATO withdrawal will impact the gains of twenty years in SSR. In order to better analyse the SSR process, a case study of the Afghan National Police is used. Moreover, this thesis offers some practical policy recommendations that can be useful for the concept of SSR in Afghanistan. This thesis does not offer a solution to the challenges of SSR in post-conflict countries like Afghanistan. Yet, it suggests that an uncoordinated withdrawal of external powers can negatively...

Gender has recently begun to receive attention as an important factor in the provision of security. Unfortunately, the consideration of gender is often mistakenly understood to mean a consideration of women and women’s issues, when in reality it pertains to the needs and interests of both men and women. Through an idea analysis, this thesis aims to study the ideas about gender expressed in contemporary security sector reform and local ownership debate. The analysis shows that gender specific violence towards civilian men and boys is repeatedly overlooked in security sector reform policy and debate. It further shows that marginalized men are not being valued as local owners of reform processes due to the ideas about men and women that permeate the debate. The theory of ‘hegemonic masculinity’ reveals how the ideas expressed serve to increase men’s vulnerabilities and further exclude them from the process of reform. The thesis concludes that because civilian men are overlooked in the debate, no substantial ownership can be attained. Because security sector reform is highly reliant on local ownership for legitimacy and sustainability, the thesis further suggests that the entire security sector reform project is compromised by the exclusion of men and boys.

This briefing aims to highlight and clarify the importance of the availability and misuse of small arms and light weapons (SALW), and associated armed violence, for development programming in the areas of governance, security sector reform (SSR), and safety, security and access to justice (SSAJ). By doing so the effectiveness of governance, SSR and SSAJ programmes can be enhanced. Moreover, governance, SSR and SSAJ programmes can be developed to contribute more to the reduction of armed violence perpetrated with SALW and facilitated by their availability

本文以第二意象（second image）的「國內結構觀點」為途徑，首先探討菲律賓政治結構的形成與因素，包括殖民與歷史遺緒、政治發展過程、軍文關係、政治文化與其他非制度性因素等，作為內部結構觀點的研究基礎；接著回顧菲律賓的內外安全環境以及近年安全政策的推動與實踐，然後進一步檢視艾若育與艾奎諾三世兩任政府的安全政策作為、走向，影響兩任總統安全政策的內外部因素，比對兩任政府的安全政策；然後透過安全體制革新（SSR）理論概念的梳理，形塑出整合性的SSR研究架構，並整理將安全體制革新應用在東南亞脈絡之下的研究與實務；最後探討並評估艾奎諾三世政府推動的相關改革政策過程，其實踐的狀況與原因，並勾勒出菲律賓安全體制革新的發展、挑戰與前景。

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / A historical analysis of the Iraqi military suggests that certain actions should be taken if the state building process of the United States led coalition is to be successful. The fulcrum of power in Iraq has always been the internecine ethnic, religious, and tribal relationships and interactions. This thesis studies the recently constructed security structure of Iraq, particularly the new Iraqi Armed Forces, by focusing on likely influences of the ethnic and sectarian factions and social structure of the country on security and reconstruction/reintegration of the new Iraqi Military. The thesis brings into sharp focus a singular fact that the military of Iraq has always been used in one way or another against one section of the population or another by the prevailing political power using the time-honored virtues of patronage and corruption. The use of the military in Iraq as an internal political tool more than anything else contributed to the lack of national identity, the prerequisite for a sound military structure. The thesis presents some situational operating methodologies that if followed should provide a structurally sound modern Iraqi military rather than a supernumerary police force. The recommendations would not only provide a military as a strong basis for national unity and identity, but they would create a military contributing to regional stability. / Major, Turkish Army

Security sector reform has in the recent past been a critical component of peace agreements in countries emerging from armed conflicts or political crisis. In Kenya, the Commission of Inquiry into the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (CIPEV) established that Kenya’s security sector, particularly the police, bore the greatest responsibility for the violence. Subsequently, the police emerged as one of the major institutions for reforms. ‘How have security sector reforms, particularly police reforms, in Kenya developed since 2007 and how, and to what extent, have they been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and SSR process during this period?’ The research aimed at investigating how the police reform process in Kenya has developed since 2007, and how the process has been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and security sector reform processes in general. Using mixed methods research, we found that despite some progress, there is wider public perception that the reforms are yet to address reform priorities at the national level and still fall short of expectations of ordinary Kenyans. We argue that political power-sharing after the 2007 post-election violence facilitated police reform, while at the same time frustrated its implementation especially in instances where reform seemed to dis-empower political elites.

In this study I explore how security sector reform affects the likelihood of democratization after a nonviolent resistance campaign in order to better understand the role of core security services during regime changes and the mechanisms of SSR. By using literature on nonviolence resistance, security sector reform, and by borrowing the concept ofspoilersfrom policy and peace-making literature, I hypothesise that SSR will likely increase the ability of core security actors to manage security problems in the transition after a nonviolent resistance campaign, as well as reduce spoiler capabilities among core security actors, thereby increasing the probability of democratization.I used the method of structured, focused comparison on the regime changes in Tunisia 2011-2014 and Egypt 2011-2013, and found some evidence contrary to the first, while limited support for the second.

L'étude des relations internationales contemporaines montre l'implication croissante de la communauté internationale et plus particulièrement des organisations internationales dans la vie interne des états. Au nom de la nécessité d'atténuer les menaces à la sécurité et à la paix internationales, le bouclier, que représentait jadis la souveraineté étatique, se fissure peu à peu et les domaines réservés aux états s'étiolent. Instituées pour préserver la paix mais confrontées à de nouvelles formes de conflits, les Nations Unies ont adapté leurs actions afin d'assurer la protection des populations. La consolidation de la paix est devenue omniprésente et pour ce faire l'ONU opte parfois pour l'administration directe de territoires. L'administration internationale de territoires n'est cependant pas un phénomène créé par les Nations Unies, puisqu'il existe un régime de l'occupation. Dans le sillage de ces occupations, a été créé un régime censé favoriser le retour de la paix. D'abord étatique, la gestion internationale des territoires a évolué. Elle s'est peu à peu institutionnalisée. Il existe des règles dédiées à la gestion d'un territoire par une autorité qui n'en émane pas : il s'agit du droit de l'occupation. Il convenait dès lors dans notre étude de s'interroger sur ces règles et d'envisager la possibilité de les appliquer aux missions de consolidation de la paix, dès lors qu'elles participent à l'administration d'un territoire et tiennent en leur pouvoir la population civile. Nous nous sommes de plus attachés à porter un regard global sur l'institutionnalisation de ce processus, tout en gardant à l'esprit les règles qui gouvernent l'occupation des territoires / Study of contemporary international relations shows the increasing involvement of the international community and especially the international organizations in states'internal affairs. On behalf of the need to mitigate the threats to security and to international peace, the shield, which once represented the state sovereignty is gradually cracked and areas reserved to the states wither. Instituted to preserve peace but confronted with new forms of conflict, the United Nations have adapted their actions to protect the population. We first experienced the maintenance of peace missions and then operations to enforce peace have emerged. Finally, peacebuilding has become ubiquitous and the United Nations sometimes opts for the direct administration of territories. The international administration of territory however is not a phenomenon created by the United Nations, since there is an occupation regime. In the wake of these occupations, was established a regime supposed to promote the return of peace. First from states, the administration of territories has evolved. It has gradually institutionalized. There are rules dedicated to the administration of a territory by an authority which does not emanate: it is the law of occupation. It was therefore appropriate in this study to question these rules and consider the possibility of applying them to peacebuilding missions, if they participate in the administration of a territory and have in their power the civilian population. We are more committed to bring a global perspective on the institutionalization of the process, keeping in mind the rules governing the occupation of the territories