Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University / Great Britain has adopted two definitive yet different political goals in Africa, each of which has been controlled in large part by the internal situation of the territories. In West Africa, colonial policy has granted power of decision to African political leadership, while in Central Africa, political authority has been given in large measure to the local European minority. Contrasted to these two major decisions, Britain has not adopted specific definitive policy goals for Kenya. The general goal of self-government is too vague to be meaningful to the different members of its disparate multi-racial population. The immediate question is "self-government for whom?" To what racial or ethnic group does the 'self' refer? In West Africa it certainly meant Africans and in Central Africa it has meant Europeans. What accounts for the unwillingness of Britain to define specific and immediate policies in Kenya? It is believed that an answer to this problem through analysis of the internal political and social situation will reveal not only the distinct problems that Kenya poses for policy, but will suggest that the present policy of traditional empiricism may not be able to meet the critical problems of this territory. [TRUNCATED]

The diploma thesis deals with the issue of the role of mayor in the bodies of a municipality. The main goal is a complex analysis of the mayor's rights and reposibilities to other municipal authorities. Despite the emphasis on the description of the current state is in the introductory part of the thesis described the historical development of the position of the mayjor and other municipal authorities. Further in the thesis is defined the function of each of the municipal authority. In the main part of thesis is first described the notion and function of the mayor, regardless of the other municipal authorities. After that, in the subchapters, is dealed with the position of the mayor in relation to indiviual organs and their interdependence. This position is not viewed only from the point of view of law, but also from the unlawful aspect of this relationship. In accordance with the stated goal is discussed a number of current issues such as the method of electing the mayor or requirements on the person or obligations stemming from the law on conflict of interests. For these questions, de lege ferenda solution is proposed here. Particularly for practice may be an interesting part about the mayor's responsibility and the related effort to educate mayors from the Union of Towns and Municipalities or...

Tema aktuali, nes išanalizavus bendrojo lavinimo mokyklų savivaldos institucijų veiklą, bus parengtas Lietuvos bendrojo lavinimo mokyklų savivaldos institucijų vaidmens didinimo, gerinant ugdymo procesą, stiprinant bendravimą ir bendradarbiavimą, modelis. Tyrimo objektas: Savivaldos institucijų veikla Lietuvos bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose. Tyrimo problema: nepriklausomos Lietuvos mokyklos kūrimo pradžioje buvo sudarytos sąlygos iniciatyvioms, organizuotoms, kūrybingoms mokyklų bendruomenių savivaldos institucijoms atskleisti savo sugebėjimus ir veikti savo labui. Jau turėjome sukaupti nemažai patirties, o ar iš tikrųjų taip yra? Ar Lietuvos Respublikos bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose sėkmingai veikia savivaldos institucijos , kokios jų pagrindinės funkcijos bei įtaka mokyklos gyvenimo ir veiklos įvairovei? Sprendžiant šią problemą galima iškelti hipotezę: ugdomojo proceso kokybė didinama per savivaldą, būtent mokyklos savivalda gali padėti siekti geresnių ugdymo rezultatų, nuoširdesnio bendravimo ir bendradarbiavimo. Tyrimo tikslas: ištirti savivaldos institucijų veiklą bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose ir nustatyti jų organizavimo dėsningumus. Tyrimo metodai: pedagoginės, psichologinės literatūros ir švietimo dokumentų studijavimas, anketinė apklausa, veiklos vertinimo dokumentų analizė, statistinių duomenų analizė, kompiuterinių duomenų apdorojimas.schemų ir diagramų palyginimas. Tyrimo uždaviniai: išnagrinėti mokyklinę savivaldą kaip demokratinę ugdymo priemonę, nustatyti... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The theme is topical because after analysing the work of self-government of comprehensive schools, the model will be created which will enlarge the role of self-government in comprehensive schools and will strengthen communication and intercorporation. The object of survey: the work of self-government of comprehensive schools. The problem of the survey: in the beggining of creating process of schools in Lithuania, the conditions for creative, well - organized, proactive self – governments to reveal their abilities were created. Are the self - governments in schools successfully functioning in the Republic of Lithuania, what are the main functions of them, what effect they have for school life and the variety of activities they carry out? While solving that problem, the hipothesis arrises: the quality of educational process is increased through self-government at schools. Self - government helps to search for better results, more sincere communication and intercorporation. The aim of the survey: to analyse the work of self - government of comprehensive schools and to find out the regularity of its organisation. The methods of the survey: the analysis of pedagogical, psichological literature and documents on education, a questionnaire, the analysis of work evaluation documents, the analysis of statistical data, processing of computer data, the comparison of schemes and diagrams. The goal of the survey: to analyse school‘s self - government as the means of democratical... [to full text]

In this dissertation I argue that Australia's administration of Aboriginal Affairs since 1897 has operated from a premise of non-recognition under policies of assimilation. It is argued and demonstrated that government initiatives have merely undergone technical adjustments designed to retain assimilationist practices, rather than advance the recognition of Aboriginal people in Australia as Aboriginal people. In terms of agenda and policy, non-Aboriginal values, perspectives and assumptions dominate and control the power of definition. This domination has characterised Aboriginal relations with the state through the colonial experience, federation and contemporary practices. However, the most significant 'change' in this relationship is the co-optation of Aboriginal people into non-Aboriginal administrative structures on the assumption that such mechanisms can adequately accommodate Aboriginal rights and interests.

The dissertation deals with the municipal self-government specifically focusing on its theoretical and historical background. The aim of this work was to elaborate the municipal self-government, not only to transcript or write a comment on the legal regulation, but also to inspect the assigned problem by the optics of legal theory, legal history and political science perspectives. This dissertation should provide a comprehensive perspective on the issue of municipal self-government, not only in its current legal regulation, but also identifying its theoretical backgrounds and historical roots. This paper primarily defines a set of institutions that can be summarized as fundamental theoretical aspects of public self-government (emphasizing the specifics of local or municipal self-government). In the context of the origin and development of modern public administration the work examines the main causes which led to the incorporation of elements of self-government into the modern administration. These reasons proceed not only from its historical and social roots of communal co-existence of human society, but are significantly based on political ideals forming the vertical division of public authorities within the natural effort of inhabitants in discharging from the traditionally centralized state...

This dissertation explores a family of theoretical models of humanitarian military intervention. A number of recent theorists, including Tesón, Caney, Buchanan, Orend, Moellendorf, and Wheeler, build their models from a perspective called ‘cosmopolitanism.’ They offer arguments based on the moral supremacy of human rights, the arbitrary character of territorial boundaries, and the duty to protect individual human beings exposed to serious and systematic violence by their own governments. I develop a model of intervention that recognizes the moral significance of political self-government. To the extent that international society should countenance a ‘duty to protect’ human rights, the duty ought to be constrained by a commitment to the values of self-government. The model developed in this dissertation also recognizes the significance of international law enforcement. Insofar as we should permit a role of enforcement for international human rights, that role should be constrained by formally accepted global principles and in particular by positive obligations to prevent and punish actions regarded as international crimes. These other global values are viewed with suspicion by cosmopolitan theorists, who tend to construe them in stark contrast to the vision of global responsibility for human rights protection. But I will show how these other values emerged simultaneously with cosmopolitanism and share many of its underlying intuitions. Because self-government and law enforcement are linked politically to the cosmopolitan vision, these two distinctive global values can be utilized as tools to fortify or expand cosmopolitanism by enlarging the global sense of responsibility for human rights. The aim of this project is to explain how these other values came to be neglected by cosmopolitan theorists, and why they should not be forgotten. / Thesis (Ph.D, Philosophy) -- Queen's University, 2013-09-25 12:11:55.056

This dissertation explores the relationship between immigration, diversity and minority nationalism. Through a study of Catalonia and its relationship with the Spanish state, the dissertation assesses how immigration and the growing social diversity that accompanies it, can challenge, undermine, or reinforce the political claims and objectives of minority nationalists, in particular, their goal of promoting a distinct and self-determining national community. It focuses on an effort by Catalan political and civil society leaders to construct a “national consensus” on immigration, the 2008 National Agreement on Immigration, which provided a 20-year plan for adapting Catalan government services and Catalan society to the pressures and demands of its increasingly diverse population, while at the same time providing mechanisms for the integration of newcomers into the Catalan language and national community. The analysis centres on the text of the National Agreement on Immigration as well as recent Catalan immigration plans and policy documents, in addition to the broader debate surrounding the National Agreement among Catalonia’s major political parties. The dissertation reveals that the National Agreement on Immigration represented both a significant re-framing of Catalan national identity and an attempt to expand the power and autonomy of the Catalan government by the various signatories to the accord. It concludes that the National Agreement represented an important component of a pivotal era in Catalan politics, one that has the potential to radically redefine the region’s relationship with both Spain and Europe, and in which questions surrounding immigration and diversity are increasingly intersecting with broader debates surrounding economic instability and the prospect of Catalan independence. / Graduate

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Since 1940, Taiwan has carried out the Local-self Goverment system, Township¡]Country/Town/City¡^has been the front line status of local authority. Because the Constitution does not expressly protect the autonomous status, together with the practical operation of manipulation of local factions and the drawbacks of corruption, as well as the lack of people, money, lack of influence of factors such as the right, resulting in poor functional autonomy, therefore the cancellation of legal status, and that the abolition of self-government elections have been put forward, and caused heated discussion and debate from all walks of life, due to support and oppose the two factions has its own rationale, controversy over the years has not yet come to a conclusion. In this paper, analysis of the Department to collect the relevant papers, periodicals, books, letters Release Act, the meeting information, network information, such as newspapers and magazines as a source of research data and study the use of the rule of law, historical research, secondary data analysis based supplemented by participant observation method of research methods, to be on view. The present paper is divided into five chapters. The first chapter includes introduction, background studies, the motive, the goal, the research framework and the method on this article. The second chapter deliberates origin, the localization and the connotation and the law transformation of the township autonomous status of Autonomous bodies. The third chapter analyzes and explains the design, the implementation and the development of Autonomous bodies. The fourth chapter focuses on the form, the argument of the system, the populace view and analysis of system transformation. The fifth chapter, a conclusion, provides an outcome of the studies, and attempts to propose a strategic solution to the question that has been brought up.

In light of the recognition of continuing Indigenous sovereignty by the Supreme Court of Canada and the requirement that that sovereignty and de facto Crown sovereignty be reconciled within a shared constitutional order, Canada needs a new approach to negotiating the exercise of Indigenous sovereignty. Any new approach must be built around a coherent understanding of the Constitution as a whole, most importantly the constitutional principle of reconciliation and the other unwritten principles articulated by the Supreme Court of Canada in the Reference re. Secession of Quebec. The four unwritten principles which the Supreme Court of Canada identified in the Quebec Secession Reference do not represent a barrier to the exercise of Indigenous sovereignty, if interpreted in light of the reconciliation principle. Indeed, the principles of federalism and the protection of minorities support the protection of distinct Indigenous political and legal institutions. Because they are exercising a continuing sovereignty, rather than an aboriginal right as that term is currently understood under section 35, Indigenous peoples also need not return to traditional forms of governance in their entirety in a modern self-government regime; they may also adopt more or less of the Euro-Canadian forms with which they have become familiar as citizens of Canada, such that modern Indigenous institutions could be quite consistent with mainstream understandings of the four unwritten principles of the Constitutions. As with other institutions of governance, Indigenous peoples have long traditions of dispute resolution that they could draw upon in the context of the modern exercise of their sovereignty. Nor do Indigenous peoples need to return to these traditional methods in their entirety, either; again, they could adopt elements of Euro-Canadian legal traditions. There are numerous precedents around the world for Indigenous legal institutions that combine elements of Indigenous customs of dispute resolution and common-law judicial structures. What is important is that Indigenous peoples have the right to design their own institutions for the interpretation, as well as the creation, of law and the resolution of disputes if they are to exercise their sovereignty within the Canadian constitutional and political system as a third order of government. / Thesis (Master, Law) -- Queen's University, 2009-09-24 08:41:11.447