Iran’s Islamic Revolution in 1979 and, later, the Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988) created unprecedented zeal and enthusiasm for martyrdom among the Shī‘a. As Imām Ḥusayn’s martyrdom in Karbalā (680 CE) more and more was read into the revolutionary taste, the concept of martyrdom then transformed into an empowering tool for the Shī‘a. The Islamic Republic’s leaders understood the importance of cultivating the culture of martyrdom among the youth; as it was that culture that helped to topple the Shah’s regime and pushed Iraq’s forces out of Iran’s borders. Thus, martyrs of the revolution and the war were praised as national heroes who sacrificed everything for the sake of the revolution and the Islamic state under the leadership of the charismatic Ayatollah Khomeini. The Shī‘a understanding of martyrdom developed more with the recent Syrian crisis and the war on ISIS and other Salafī groups in the region. The new martyrs, known as martyred shrine defenders, go beyond national heroes and act as the protectors of the legacy of the Prophet’s family. Unlike the martyrs of the revolution and the Iran-Iraq war who were known as wronged martyrs (as they were in a fight against superior military powers), the shrine defenders have the upper hand; they somehow act as the awaited al-Mahdī and what he is supposed to do at the end of the time, that is, avenging the blood of Ḥusayn and other wronged martyrs of the Shī‘a. In this dissertation, I will examine the development in the perception of the concept of martyrdom in Twelver Shī‘īsm by focusing on modern Iran. For a better understanding of the concept of martyrdom, I will start with speculations on the formation of the concept of martyrdom in early Judaism and Christianity before turning my attention to martyrdom in Islam. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Outsiders, such as Lebanese and Syrian Shi‘is often refer to Twelver Shi‘is in the Syrian shrine-town as ‘traditional,’ and even ‘backward.’ They are not the only ones. Both Saddam Hussein and Ayatollah ‘Ali Khamenei have called the bloody flagellation practices, which have only increased in popularity in Sayyida Zaynab over the past few decades, ‘backward’ and ‘irrational.’ Why do these outsiders condemn these Twelver Shi‘is and their Muharram rituals? Why are ‘traditional’ practices popular in the Syrian shrine-town of Sayyida Zaynab? What does ‘tradition’ mean in this context? This dissertation begins with the last question regarding the notion of ‘tradition’ and examines seminary pedagogy, weekly women’s ritual mourning gatherings, annual Muharram practices, and non-institutionalized spiritual healing. Two theoretical paradigms frame the ethnography. The first is Talal Asad’s (1986) notion that an anthropology of Islam should approach Islam as a discursive tradition and second, various iterations of the Karbala Paradigm (Fischer 1981). The concepts overlap, yet they also represent distinct approaches to the notion of ‘tradition.’ The overarching argument in this dissertation is that ‘tradition’ for Twelver Shi‘is in Sayyida Zaynab is not only a rhetorical trope but also an intimate, inter-subjective practice, which ties pious Shi‘i to the members of the Family of the Prophet. The sub-topics are changing patterns in religious pedagogy, the role of embodiment, self, and inter-subjectivity in women’s ritual mourning gatherings, and the applicability of Mikhail Bakhtin’s concept of the carnivalesque (1984). Inspired by Frederick M. Denny (1985), who coined the term ‘orthopraxy’ to describe the importance of ritual practice in Islam, this dissertation refers to transgressive and carnivalesque religious performances as ‘heteropraxy.’ In particular, the emphasis on ‘heteropraxy’ is a critique of recent research on Arab Muslim women’s piety by Saba Mahmood (2005) and Lara Deeb (2006).

Outsiders, such as Lebanese and Syrian Shi‘is often refer to Twelver Shi‘is in the Syrian shrine-town as ‘traditional,’ and even ‘backward.’ They are not the only ones. Both Saddam Hussein and Ayatollah ‘Ali Khamenei have called the bloody flagellation practices, which have only increased in popularity in Sayyida Zaynab over the past few decades, ‘backward’ and ‘irrational.’ Why do these outsiders condemn these Twelver Shi‘is and their Muharram rituals? Why are ‘traditional’ practices popular in the Syrian shrine-town of Sayyida Zaynab? What does ‘tradition’ mean in this context? This dissertation begins with the last question regarding the notion of ‘tradition’ and examines seminary pedagogy, weekly women’s ritual mourning gatherings, annual Muharram practices, and non-institutionalized spiritual healing. Two theoretical paradigms frame the ethnography. The first is Talal Asad’s (1986) notion that an anthropology of Islam should approach Islam as a discursive tradition and second, various iterations of the Karbala Paradigm (Fischer 1981). The concepts overlap, yet they also represent distinct approaches to the notion of ‘tradition.’ The overarching argument in this dissertation is that ‘tradition’ for Twelver Shi‘is in Sayyida Zaynab is not only a rhetorical trope but also an intimate, inter-subjective practice, which ties pious Shi‘i to the members of the Family of the Prophet. The sub-topics are changing patterns in religious pedagogy, the role of embodiment, self, and inter-subjectivity in women’s ritual mourning gatherings, and the applicability of Mikhail Bakhtin’s concept of the carnivalesque (1984). Inspired by Frederick M. Denny (1985), who coined the term ‘orthopraxy’ to describe the importance of ritual practice in Islam, this dissertation refers to transgressive and carnivalesque religious performances as ‘heteropraxy.’ In particular, the emphasis on ‘heteropraxy’ is a critique of recent research on Arab Muslim women’s piety by Saba Mahmood (2005) and Lara Deeb (2006).

This thesis seeks to explore and survey the different understandings of Fatima bt. Muhammad "al-Zahra'" in different Shi'i social, religious, and political contexts. This investigation situates Fatima within a larger Islamic conceptualization of the saint or holy figure. Her liminal status in close proximity to the divine grants her a potency that facilitates her continued importance to Shi'i Muslims, though her memory differs in time and place. The contexts for this discussion range from Arabia in the centuries after her death, Safavid and Qajar Persia and modern Iran, and South Asia. Memories of Fatima reflect the concerns of Shi'i communities, political and religious leaders, and individuals for whom she remains a saint; she serves as a mechanism by which holiness is accessed and communities and persons are created, consolidated, preserved, and understood. For the scholar, Fatima provides invaluable insight into creative religious change through the lens of the Shi'i Islam.

As the Twelver Shi'a coalesced into an increasingly distinct community between the 10th and 12th centuries CE, a new type of religious literature emerged. Writers began to collect narratives of the lives and deaths of the twelve infallible imams into single works. This study analyzes these early works, which have served as a template for similar Shi`i compilations written in the centuries since. The goal of this analysis is to shed light on how the historical narratives of a given community emerge in relationship to the ways in which that community construes religious meaning. I focus on five formative Arabic works from this period: [1] <italic>Ithbat al-wasiya</italic> attributed to al-Mas'udi; (d. 345/956); [2] <italic>Kitab al-irshad</italic> by al-Mufid (d. 413/1022); [3] <italic>Dala'il al-imama</italic> attributed to Ibn Jarir (d. early 5th/11th c.); [4] <italic>I'lam al-wara'</italic> by al-Tabrisi; (d. 548/1154); and [5] <italic>Manaqib Al Abi Talib</italic> by Ibn Shahrashub (d. 588/1192). As the first study to isolate and analyze collective biographies of the imams, this dissertation discusses unique structural and thematic patterns in these early works that were related to the concerns of the writers' community--patterns that helped produce generic expectations that remain in place to the present day. Grouping these texts into one genre allows us to better discern the religious vision upheld by this literature. My analysis begins with birth narratives, showing how these symbolic and fantastic stories highlight concrete and practical concerns of the writers. Second, I explore the importance of the imams' bodies, which function as sites of both intense devotion and great anxiety. The final two chapters explain the many and varied forms of betrayal suffered by the imams in relationship to the pervasive social grievances that are a subtext to the biographies. The memory of the imams cultivated in this literature and the emotional sensibilities projected through it provide insight into how systems of meaning are constructed. The Shi'i community used this literature to stake religious claims on the cosmic meaning and the eternal relevance of all aspects of the imams' lives, claims that made remembering their stories of critical importance.

This paper explores the impact of Qajar-Ottoman diplomacy on issues of identity and sovereignty during the late nineteenth century as addressed in the Treaties of Erzurum of 1828 and 1848. Through these treaties, the Qajars and the Ottomans introduced notions of imperial identities, extraterritoriality, and extended their imperial spheres of influence. The Treaties of Erzurum defined subjecthood and sovereignty over subjects based on place of origin, not current location. This radical change in international politics created a new, bureaucratic method of identification. Focusing on the Qajar perspective, this paper proposes that although Qajar subjects had always travelled to the Ottoman Empire for religious or economic reasons, the Treaties of Erzurum in 1828 and 1848 changed Middle Eastern geopolitics by legally allowing the Qajar government to exercise sovereign rights over its subjects. To better understand the consequences of these new imperial identities and labels, this paper looks at different communities in the Ottoman Empire that shared special relationships with the Qajars. Each of these chapters focuses on their affiliation with the Qajars and how the Treaties of Erzurum affected them: first, the Qajar travelers, second, the Qajar expatriates, and third, the Ottoman Shi’is. The examination of Qajar government documents, Persian travelogues and newspapers reveals complicated relationships between the Qajars and these communities. Analysis of each provides insight on the Qajar Empire’s efforts in fostering a relationship with these communities, as made possible by the Treaties of Erzurum. This study contributes to a number of narratives involving the Qajar Empire. First, it challenges the weak imagery surrounding the Qajar government and shows the Qajar extension of power outside its borders. Furthermore, this paper engages in the issue of identity, a crucial concept for understanding nascent, pre-nationalist sentiments. Discussion of the Treaties of Erzurum in conjunction with nationalism or imperial power remains overwhelmingly neglected. Although previous scholars have alluded to extraterritoriality in their research, the discourse on subjecthood and identity beyond imperial borders has been ignored in the Middle Eastern context. This study serves as a starting point for future research on the subject. / text

The concept of autonomy underlies many other issues in moral and political philosophy. This dissertation states that contemporary debates within Shi’i thought view autonomy as individualistic, and that this individualism brings it into conflict with tradition. It then argues that autonomy is not equivalent to individualism, and argues for an understanding of autonomy that is socially and historically embed- ded and discursive. This makes it possible to rethink the relationship between autonomy and tradition. This rethinking is done through a method of reflective equilibrium, where various ideas from various fields are brought into a coherent whole. There are two phases to this rethinking. The first is in clarifying the concept of autonomy and the second is bringing this concept of autonomy and Shi’i tradition into equilibrium. The dissertation begins by stating that Shi’i thought has already made room for autonomy, but that the concept of autonomy that is dominant is individualistic. An understanding of autonomy as socially and historically embedded is defended. The second phase is to reconcile this embedded notion of autonomy with Shi’i tradition. It is argued that autonomy is important for both the internalisation of tradition and the formation of tradition. Empirical evidence is provided through positive psychology that shows that the most effective means of internalising a belief is through contexts that support autonomy. This understanding of internal- isation is brought into equilibrium with the Shi’i concept of forbidding wrong. It is argued that one of the conditions of forbidding wrong is the condition of efficacy. Approaches to forbidding wrong that support autonomy meet this condition, while those that deny autonomy generally do not. Finally, it is argued that autonomy should be considered within the process of ijtihād because it has an epistemic gain. Autonomous individuals gain a certain level of expertise through their life experiences that are necessary to be incorporated in the ijtiḥād.

A Revolução Islâmica pode ser entendida como um marco histórico, tendo em vista seu aspecto religioso e a mudança de paradigmas que trouxe para o estudo das Ciências. Seja no aspecto político, econômico ou social, a implantação da República Islâmica do Irã provocou uma mudança nas relações internas e também externas refletidas no sistema internacional. Esse estudo procura desenvolver um aspecto da Revolução Iraniana que muitas vezes não é tratado pelos especialistas, qual seja, a real viabilidade de a revolução expandir-se para outros países muçulmanos. Muitas vezes essa possibilidade é apresentada como uma meta política norteadora do governo iraniano, no entanto, sem que sejam analisadas as reais possibilidades para que se concretize. Nesse sentido, o objeto principal desse trabalho é apresentar a gradual ampliação da importância que os ulemás alcançaram na vida política iraniana a partir do final do século XIX e que desencadeou a Revolução (1978-79). Para que esse processo se tornasse viável, além das condições políticas propícias, foi necessário que os ulemás se apropriassem ainda mais da linguagem religiosa e a transformasse em instrumento político para mudar o status da população xiita, ou seja, de resignada para ativa. Ainda, além da alteração nessa postura dos ulemás frente à dominação do xá, houve a necessidade de que uma liderança desencadeasse o processo contestatório que levaria ao final da monarquia. Para tanto, a liderança do aiatolá Khomeini foi imprescindível e, ainda mais, o desenvolvimento da teoria do wilayat al-faqih, que nortearia a estrutura política do governo no pós-revolução. Contudo, mesmo diante de um panorama político que convergiu para a ocorrência da Revolução, esse estudo defende a tese de que a doutrina usulita abriu a possibilidade para a ijtihad e essa liberalidade foi muito bem utilizada pelo aiatolá Khomeini ao criar discursos políticos impregnados de elementos religiosos. Como resultado de seus discursos em Najaf (1970), surgiu o wilayat al-faqih. No entanto, o mesmo pragmatismo que possibilitou o entendimento particularizado da situação política iraniana e desencadeou a Revolução, hoje se apresenta como um impeditivo para sua expansão, tendo em vista que o atual Líder Supremo iraniano não goza do mesmo prestígio que o carismático Khomeini, tampouco os aiatolás iranianos têm interesse em delegar completamente suas prerrogativas religiosas a ele. Assim, quando essa pesquisa buscou entrevistar os atuais aiatolás que fazem parte do bloco governamental, intencionava mostrar que o wilayat al-faqih continua sendo o estabilizador da revolução, mas não tem condições para se tornar um modelo que agregaria outros estados, uma vez que, além do nacionalismo enraizado nos demais grupos xiitas do Oriente Médio, a ausência de uma liderança carismática faz com que o pragmatismo dos aiatolás impere. Com isso, mesmo que a intenção de Khomeini fosse utilizar o wilayat al-faqih para expandir a revolução, com sua morte houve o sepultamento dessa via. / The Islamic Revolution can be understood as a historical landmark in view of its religious aspect and the paradigm shift it brought to the study of Sciences. Be it on the political, economic, or social aspects, the implantation of the Islamic Republic of Iran triggered a turn in both internal and external relations reflected in the international system. This study aims to develop an aspect of the Iranian Revolution which is often not treated by specialists, that is, the actual viability of the revolution to expand itself to other Muslim countries. Frequently this possibility is presented as a guiding political goal for the Iranian government, however, without being analyzed the real possibilities for it to be realized. In this sense, the main object of this work is to present the gradual enlargement of importance that the ulama achieved in the Iranian political life starting from the end of the nineteenth century and which set off the Revolution (1978-79). For this process to become viable, in addition to the propitious political conditions, it was necessary for the ulama to appropriate even further the religious language and change it into political instrument to transform the status of the Shia population, namely from resigned to active. Yet, besides the alteration of the ulamas posture in face of the Shahs domination, there was a need for a leadership to trigger the contestatory process which would lead to the end of the monarchy. To this end, the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini was indispensable and, even more, the development of the wilayat al-faqih theory, which would guide the political structure of the government at the post-revolution period. However, even though confronted with a political overview that converged to the occurrence of the Revolution, this study defends the thesis that the Usulis doctrine opened the possibility for the ijtihad, and this liberality was very well used by Ayatollah Khomeini by creating political discourses impregnated with religious elements. As a result of his discourses in Najaf (1970) the wilayat al-faqih came to existence. Nonetheless, the very same pragmatism that allowed the particularized understanding of the Iranian political situation and which triggered the Revolution presents itself today as a hindrance for its expansion, taking into account that the current Iranian Supreme Leader does not enjoy the same prestige such as the charismatic Khomeini, neither do the Iranian Ayatollahs have interest in delegating completely their religious prerogatives to him. Hence, when this research sought to interview the current Ayatollahs that are part of the governmental bloc, it purposed to show that the wilayat al-faqih is still the revolutions stabilizer, but has no condition to become a model which could aggregate other states, since that, beyond the nationalism rooted in the other Shia groups in the Middle East, the absence of a charismatic leadership causes the Ayatollahs pragmatism to prevail. With this, even if Khomeinis intention was to use the wilayat al-faqih to expand the revolution, with his death followed the burial of this idea.

A Revolução Islâmica pode ser entendida como um marco histórico, tendo em vista seu aspecto religioso e a mudança de paradigmas que trouxe para o estudo das Ciências. Seja no aspecto político, econômico ou social, a implantação da República Islâmica do Irã provocou uma mudança nas relações internas e também externas refletidas no sistema internacional. Esse estudo procura desenvolver um aspecto da Revolução Iraniana que muitas vezes não é tratado pelos especialistas, qual seja, a real viabilidade de a revolução expandir-se para outros países muçulmanos. Muitas vezes essa possibilidade é apresentada como uma meta política norteadora do governo iraniano, no entanto, sem que sejam analisadas as reais possibilidades para que se concretize. Nesse sentido, o objeto principal desse trabalho é apresentar a gradual ampliação da importância que os ulemás alcançaram na vida política iraniana a partir do final do século XIX e que desencadeou a Revolução (1978-79). Para que esse processo se tornasse viável, além das condições políticas propícias, foi necessário que os ulemás se apropriassem ainda mais da linguagem religiosa e a transformasse em instrumento político para mudar o status da população xiita, ou seja, de resignada para ativa. Ainda, além da alteração nessa postura dos ulemás frente à dominação do xá, houve a necessidade de que uma liderança desencadeasse o processo contestatório que levaria ao final da monarquia. Para tanto, a liderança do aiatolá Khomeini foi imprescindível e, ainda mais, o desenvolvimento da teoria do wilayat al-faqih, que nortearia a estrutura política do governo no pós-revolução. Contudo, mesmo diante de um panorama político que convergiu para a ocorrência da Revolução, esse estudo defende a tese de que a doutrina usulita abriu a possibilidade para a ijtihad e essa liberalidade foi muito bem utilizada pelo aiatolá Khomeini ao criar discursos políticos impregnados de elementos religiosos. Como resultado de seus discursos em Najaf (1970), surgiu o wilayat al-faqih. No entanto, o mesmo pragmatismo que possibilitou o entendimento particularizado da situação política iraniana e desencadeou a Revolução, hoje se apresenta como um impeditivo para sua expansão, tendo em vista que o atual Líder Supremo iraniano não goza do mesmo prestígio que o carismático Khomeini, tampouco os aiatolás iranianos têm interesse em delegar completamente suas prerrogativas religiosas a ele. Assim, quando essa pesquisa buscou entrevistar os atuais aiatolás que fazem parte do bloco governamental, intencionava mostrar que o wilayat al-faqih continua sendo o estabilizador da revolução, mas não tem condições para se tornar um modelo que agregaria outros estados, uma vez que, além do nacionalismo enraizado nos demais grupos xiitas do Oriente Médio, a ausência de uma liderança carismática faz com que o pragmatismo dos aiatolás impere. Com isso, mesmo que a intenção de Khomeini fosse utilizar o wilayat al-faqih para expandir a revolução, com sua morte houve o sepultamento dessa via. / The Islamic Revolution can be understood as a historical landmark in view of its religious aspect and the paradigm shift it brought to the study of Sciences. Be it on the political, economic, or social aspects, the implantation of the Islamic Republic of Iran triggered a turn in both internal and external relations reflected in the international system. This study aims to develop an aspect of the Iranian Revolution which is often not treated by specialists, that is, the actual viability of the revolution to expand itself to other Muslim countries. Frequently this possibility is presented as a guiding political goal for the Iranian government, however, without being analyzed the real possibilities for it to be realized. In this sense, the main object of this work is to present the gradual enlargement of importance that the ulama achieved in the Iranian political life starting from the end of the nineteenth century and which set off the Revolution (1978-79). For this process to become viable, in addition to the propitious political conditions, it was necessary for the ulama to appropriate even further the religious language and change it into political instrument to transform the status of the Shia population, namely from resigned to active. Yet, besides the alteration of the ulamas posture in face of the Shahs domination, there was a need for a leadership to trigger the contestatory process which would lead to the end of the monarchy. To this end, the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini was indispensable and, even more, the development of the wilayat al-faqih theory, which would guide the political structure of the government at the post-revolution period. However, even though confronted with a political overview that converged to the occurrence of the Revolution, this study defends the thesis that the Usulis doctrine opened the possibility for the ijtihad, and this liberality was very well used by Ayatollah Khomeini by creating political discourses impregnated with religious elements. As a result of his discourses in Najaf (1970) the wilayat al-faqih came to existence. Nonetheless, the very same pragmatism that allowed the particularized understanding of the Iranian political situation and which triggered the Revolution presents itself today as a hindrance for its expansion, taking into account that the current Iranian Supreme Leader does not enjoy the same prestige such as the charismatic Khomeini, neither do the Iranian Ayatollahs have interest in delegating completely their religious prerogatives to him. Hence, when this research sought to interview the current Ayatollahs that are part of the governmental bloc, it purposed to show that the wilayat al-faqih is still the revolutions stabilizer, but has no condition to become a model which could aggregate other states, since that, beyond the nationalism rooted in the other Shia groups in the Middle East, the absence of a charismatic leadership causes the Ayatollahs pragmatism to prevail. With this, even if Khomeinis intention was to use the wilayat al-faqih to expand the revolution, with his death followed the burial of this idea.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the way in which religious beliefs and practices are instrumentalized by a Muslim community in order to strengthen Afro-Colombian ethnic identity, in an urban context of social exclusion. The study aims to examine the relationship between ethnicity and religion, and the role they play in the process of identity construction, particularly the way in which religious concepts and behaviors can be used to fortify ethnic identity. Another aim of this research is to describe and understand the processes of social change in an ethnic-religious minority and, as a final goal, to analyze the history of the Afro-Colombian Muslim community of Buenaventura. The thesis is based on fieldwork, which includes observation activities and interviews with members of the Muslim community in Buenaventura. A total of 21 participants between the ages of 18 and 72 are included in this study, all of them of Afro-Colombian origin. It is clear that the religious conversion of Afro-Colombians to Islam took place within the complex socio-political context of the Colombian conflict. To be sure, the adoption of this new religious perspective did not evolve in an isolated manner, rather, it transformed the identity of the community by strengthening the value of ethnic differences in a place of segregation. In this way, this thesis analyzes the role of religion as an important element in the construction of ethnic identity. Departing from this paradigm, we will look into some theological concepts, such as the Islamic jurisprudence and rituals, which have been reworked, in order to accommodate local aspirations for social mobility and ethnic differentiation. It is important to keep in mind, however, that this cultural negotiation happens at the margins of the dominant society, which negatively views Afro-Colombian minorities, or simply ignores them. Other findings include the identification of key moments of the historical development of the community; the analysis of the processes of conversion to Islam in this population; and the description of the organization, institutionalization, and hierarchy in the community in accordance with the changes from the Islamic perspective they have developed through its five-decade history.