This thesis deals with the Afro-European trade on the Western Slave Coast from about 1600 to the 1880s, mainly the slave trade but also the trade in ivory and agricultural produce. The Western Slave Coast comprises the coastal areas of modem Togo and parts of the coastal areas of Ghana and Benin. For much of the period under discussion, this region was dominated by two kingdoms, the kingdom of the Hula (or Pla), known to European traders as Great or Grand Popo, after its coastal port (in modern Benin), and the kingdom of the Ge (Gen/Guin/Genyi), known to European traders as Little Popo, after its main coastal port (in modern Togo). In the nineteenth century, two more ports of trade appeared in the region, Agoud (in modem Benin) and Porto Seguro (in modern Togo). In terms of the Afro-European trade, this was an intermediate area between regions of greater importance to slave traders, the Gold Coast to the west and the eastern Slave Coast (mainly the kingdom of Dahomey) to the east. This thesis gives a detailed reconstruction of the political and commercial developments in the region, especially for the period from the 1780s and the 1860s. The discussion is based mainly on archival material from British, French and African archives, but also makes use of a wide range of published accounts, mainly in English, French and German, and information from oral traditions. Beyond its immediate local interest, the thesis contributes to our understanding of the operation of the Afro-European trade and its impact on African middleman societies. The intermittent commercial success of 'the Popos' illustrates the dynamics of the trade especially clearly. The Western Slave Coast is placed into the wider transatlantic trade network and its role in the trade re-evaluated. The link between the local and overseas economy is illustrated by the centrality of the lagoon, which is discussed in detail. Other important issues that are addressed include the role of the canoemen in the trade, the transition from the slave trade to the palm oil trade and the Afro-Brazilian settlement at Agoue.

Este trabalho busca compreender o negócio dos contratos num período de expansão da economia colonial, marcado pelo início da mineração. Em um momento marcado por grandes transformações, percebemos que a já utilizada prática dos contratos se configura mais uma vez enquanto uma relação bilateral, mas que buscam objetivos diferentes: Enquanto para Coroa portuguesa os contratos são uma forma de arrecadar seus tributos e explorar seus monopólios sem participar diretamente dos riscos e investimentos inerentes a essas atividades, para os homens de negócio aparece como uma estratégia de se aproveitar dos monopólios e direitos da metrópole e, assim, aumentar seus cabedais, mesmo enfrentando riscos e descaminhos. Esses interesses, mesmo que diferentes, se confluem para manter e alimentar o sistema colonial. Nessa perspectiva, por ser o tráfico de escravos um dos principais âmbitos da colonização, escolhemos o contrato dos direitos dos escravos que vem da Costa da Mina e Cabo Verde como instrumento de análise da atuação desses negociantes / This study seeks to understand the negotiation of contracts in a period of colonial economic expansion, marked by the beginning of mining. At a time of great transformations, we realize that the already used practice of contracts configure itself once more as a bilateral relationship, but pursue different goals: while for the Portuguese crown contracts are a way to collect their taxes and exploit their monopolies without participating directly of the risks and investments inherent in these activities, for the businessmen it appears as a strategy to take advantage of monopolies and rights of the metropolis, and thus increase its uppers while facing risks. These interests, even if different, converge to: maintain and feed the colonial system. In this perspective, for being the slave trade one of the main aspects of colonization, we choose the contract for the rights of slaves coming from Costa da Mina and Cabo Verde as an instrument for analyzing the activity of these traders

Esta tese examina o papel do Direito na dinâmica que envolveu a reprodução do sistema de escravidão no Brasil e em Cuba no longo século XIX, a partir do nexo fundamental entre o tráfico transatlântico de escravos e a prática da alforria. Se, por um lado, a ordem jurídica abriu espaço para a ações criativas dos sujeitos históricos vitimados pela escravização, permitindo a reclamação de direitos adquiridos em juízo, especialmente em busca da liberdade, por outro, ela foi um dos elementos estruturantes dos respectivos sistemas de escravidão. Apesar das muitas semelhanças e pontos de contato, a configuração assumida pelos respectivos quadros jurídicos divergiu quanto a tópicos essenciais, especialmente no tocante ao reconhecimento legal do direito dos escravos à alforria onerosa, que se verificou precocemente em Cuba, enquanto que, no Brasil, ocorreu apenas em 1871, com a promulgação da Lei do Ventre Livre. O contraponto verificado não conduz a uma nova dicotomia entre uma escravidão mais branda ou severa do que a outra, mas à compreensão dos traços específicos que envolviam a ordenação do cativeiro e o alcance do protagonismo dos escravos naqueles dois espaços. / This thesis analyzes the role of the law in the slave system\'s dynamics in Brazil and Cuba during the long nineteenth century, from the fundamental connection between the transatlantic slave trade and the manumission. The main argument is that, if on the one hand the law created possibilities for the historical subjects victimized by slavery act creatively, seeking freedom in the courts, particularly, on the other, it was part of the structuring elements of those slave systems. Despite the similarities, the configuration assumed by the respective legal frameworks diverged as the essential topics, especially with regard to legal recognition of the right of slaves to the onerous manumission, which occurred early in Cuba, while, in Brazil, only in 1871, with the enactment of the Free Womb Law. The observed counterpoint does not lead to a new dichotomy between a milder and a severe slave system, but the understanding of the specific characters involving the regulation of slavery and the slave agency in those two spaces.

A presente dissertação analisa o debate público em torno do tráfico negreiro e da escravidão, ocorrido na imprensa do Rio de Janeiro entre 1822 (quando foi fundado o Império do Brasil) e 1850 (momento em que o fim do tráfico negreiro foi decretado pela Lei Eusébio de Queirós). O corpus documental, portanto, é formado por todos os periódicos políticos e por alguns panfletos publicados na cidade do Rio de Janeiro durante o período supracitado. Os documentos foram lidos sob as considerações de algumas vertentes da história atlântica, da história social e da história política. Com elas, objetiva-se demonstrar que a imprensa foi um locus privilegiado para o desenvolvimento do debate público a respeito do tráfico negreiro no Império do Brasil. Da mesma forma, pretende-se mostrar como essa instituição dita privada exerceu um papel central na política do contrabando negreiro levada a cabo pelos Regressistas (núcleo duro dos Saquaremas) a partir da segunda metade da década de 1830, servindo como elo entre os estadistas e sua base eleitoral. / The present dissertation analyzes the public debate concerning slavery that took place in Rio de Janeiro via its press, between 1822 (foundation of the Brazilian Empire) and 1850 (the end of the transatlantic slave trade, as imposed by the Eusébio de Queirós law). The sources used in this work encompass all the political newspapers published in Rio de Janeiro during that period, as well as some political pamphlets. The methods developed here are those presented by the Atlantic History approach, along with the Social History and Political History methods. This work conveys the idea that the press was crucial to the Brazilian public debate on the transatlantic slave trade. Moreover, the dissertation demonstrates how an institution generally conceived as private played a central role in the politics of the illegal trade carried out by the Conservatives (also known as Saquaremas) from the second half of the 1830s on, functioning as a link between statesmen and their electoral base.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how the British abolition movement used the Swedish abolitionist Carl Bernhard Wadström's argument against the slave trade. We want to investigate which rhetoric Wadström himself used and which rhetoric abolitionists used when referring to Wadström's arguments. To investigate which rhetoric is used, we have taken support in Aristotle's theories of rhetoric and, above all, his ideas on the three modes of persuasion, ethos, pathos and logos. The source material that forms the basis of the study is Wadström's book Observations on the slave trade and five other types of texts written by abolitionists where Wadström and his arguments against the slave trade are mentioned. The main result we found is that Wadström in his book uses an emotional language to convince his readers of the evil of the slave trade. However, the abolitionists do not use an emotional language in their texts when using Wadström's arguments. Abolitionists used ethos and logos as modes of persuasions to convince that slave trade should be banned.

The present study examines the merchant networks which exported slaves from the Black Sea to Genoa, Venice, and Cairo from the late thirteenth to the late fifteenth century on the basis of both Arabic and Latin sources. It begins with an explanation of features distinctive to slavery in the medieval Mediterranean, the most important of which was its ideological basis in religious rather than racial difference, as well as a comparison between the Christian and Islamic laws governing slavery. In subsequent chapters it covers the variety of roles played by slaves in Mediterranean society, how the use of individual slaves was shaped by their gender and origin, and the processes which led to the enslavement of people within the Black Sea region. The heart of the project is the fourth chapter, an analysis of the commercial networks which conveyed slaves from the ports of the Black Sea to those of the Mediterranean. This chapter profiles individual merchants who dealt in slaves, traces the routes and identifies the logistical challenges of the slave trade, and analyzes the relative importance of various groups of merchants in supplying the Mediterranean demand for slaves. The next chapter explains the process of finding, inspecting, and buying a slave in the marketplace and how it differed from the purchase of other commodities. The final chapter addresses the place of the Black Sea slave trade in the political and religious context of the late medieval crusade movement. Proponents of the crusades argued that Christian merchants, especially the Genoese, were strengthening the sultan of Egypt to the detriment of the crusaders by supplying him with slaves for military service. The validity of these accusations is examined in light of the sources informing the rest of the study.

Indigenous resistance made Caribbean colonization a slow and violent process in the period of 1580-1690. The Caribbean Indians who rejected colonization became targets for enslavement. Slavers captured indigenous people in raids or through trade within indigenous-dominated territories. I conceptualize this space as "Caribana." Geographically, it stretched from Guiana northward throughout islands of the Lesser Antilles. I focus on the Indigenous captives from Caribana who were enslaved in English and Dutch colonies, namely Barbados, Curaçao, and Suriname. I show how colonists justified enslaving indigenous people in the same manner as they justified the trans-Atlantic African slave trade, despite widespread taboos against the former practice and not the latter. These taboos did not prevent Indian slavery, but they influenced the creation of seventeenth-century histories, government reports, and other material for public and European consumption. Indian slavery has thus been written about, then and now, as a limited phenomenon wherein Indians had limited and specific labor roles (i.e. as fishermen or domestic servants). However, sources such as deeds and tax-rolls show that more Indian slaves than assumed contributed a broad range of skills to plantations economies. English Barbados was exceptionally successful because it was geographically separated from the conflicts that created captives in Caribana, but nevertheless extracted Indian slaves from the region. Meanwhile, colonies abutting Caribana, such as Suriname, faced trade sanctions from neighboring Indians and rebellions if they abused the Indian slave trade. From the 1670s-1690s, Colonial governments limited the means of accessing Indian slaves, but once enslaved, they faced the same restrictive "black codes" that allowed the brutal treatment of them as inheritable chattel.

A presente dissertação analisa o debate público em torno do tráfico negreiro e da escravidão, ocorrido na imprensa do Rio de Janeiro entre 1822 (quando foi fundado o Império do Brasil) e 1850 (momento em que o fim do tráfico negreiro foi decretado pela Lei Eusébio de Queirós). O corpus documental, portanto, é formado por todos os periódicos políticos e por alguns panfletos publicados na cidade do Rio de Janeiro durante o período supracitado. Os documentos foram lidos sob as considerações de algumas vertentes da história atlântica, da história social e da história política. Com elas, objetiva-se demonstrar que a imprensa foi um locus privilegiado para o desenvolvimento do debate público a respeito do tráfico negreiro no Império do Brasil. Da mesma forma, pretende-se mostrar como essa instituição dita privada exerceu um papel central na política do contrabando negreiro levada a cabo pelos Regressistas (núcleo duro dos Saquaremas) a partir da segunda metade da década de 1830, servindo como elo entre os estadistas e sua base eleitoral. / The present dissertation analyzes the public debate concerning slavery that took place in Rio de Janeiro via its press, between 1822 (foundation of the Brazilian Empire) and 1850 (the end of the transatlantic slave trade, as imposed by the Eusébio de Queirós law). The sources used in this work encompass all the political newspapers published in Rio de Janeiro during that period, as well as some political pamphlets. The methods developed here are those presented by the Atlantic History approach, along with the Social History and Political History methods. This work conveys the idea that the press was crucial to the Brazilian public debate on the transatlantic slave trade. Moreover, the dissertation demonstrates how an institution generally conceived as private played a central role in the politics of the illegal trade carried out by the Conservatives (also known as Saquaremas) from the second half of the 1830s on, functioning as a link between statesmen and their electoral base.

No description available.

Esta tese examina o papel do Direito na dinâmica que envolveu a reprodução do sistema de escravidão no Brasil e em Cuba no longo século XIX, a partir do nexo fundamental entre o tráfico transatlântico de escravos e a prática da alforria. Se, por um lado, a ordem jurídica abriu espaço para a ações criativas dos sujeitos históricos vitimados pela escravização, permitindo a reclamação de direitos adquiridos em juízo, especialmente em busca da liberdade, por outro, ela foi um dos elementos estruturantes dos respectivos sistemas de escravidão. Apesar das muitas semelhanças e pontos de contato, a configuração assumida pelos respectivos quadros jurídicos divergiu quanto a tópicos essenciais, especialmente no tocante ao reconhecimento legal do direito dos escravos à alforria onerosa, que se verificou precocemente em Cuba, enquanto que, no Brasil, ocorreu apenas em 1871, com a promulgação da Lei do Ventre Livre. O contraponto verificado não conduz a uma nova dicotomia entre uma escravidão mais branda ou severa do que a outra, mas à compreensão dos traços específicos que envolviam a ordenação do cativeiro e o alcance do protagonismo dos escravos naqueles dois espaços. / This thesis analyzes the role of the law in the slave system\'s dynamics in Brazil and Cuba during the long nineteenth century, from the fundamental connection between the transatlantic slave trade and the manumission. The main argument is that, if on the one hand the law created possibilities for the historical subjects victimized by slavery act creatively, seeking freedom in the courts, particularly, on the other, it was part of the structuring elements of those slave systems. Despite the similarities, the configuration assumed by the respective legal frameworks diverged as the essential topics, especially with regard to legal recognition of the right of slaves to the onerous manumission, which occurred early in Cuba, while, in Brazil, only in 1871, with the enactment of the Free Womb Law. The observed counterpoint does not lead to a new dichotomy between a milder and a severe slave system, but the understanding of the specific characters involving the regulation of slavery and the slave agency in those two spaces.