This project looks at American abolitionists use of light-skinned slaves to prove to Northerners slavery was an abomination. This project is also a study of the social constructions of race and the meanings of skin color in Northern and Southern American societies. This research draws mostly upon primary sources including anti-slavery newspapers, images, slave narratives, and slave testimonies. The stories of light-skinned slaves in this thesis challenged the neat assumptions of what it meant to be white or black and deeply disturbed white Americans. The descriptions and images of these former slaves blurred the lines between black and white and made Northerners, and in some instances Southerners, rethink how they decided a person's racial classification. Light-skinned slaves were living proof of the evils of the American slave system and they were one of the tools abolitionists used to help end slavery. / Master of Arts / This project uses newspaper articles, slave testimonies, slave narratives, etchings, and photographs to show how American abolitionists used light-skinned slaves to fight against slavery. The stories of light-skinned slaves in these sources point to the rape of slave women and the mistreatment of slaves and slave families on Southern American plantations. Abolitionists used these slaves and their stories to prove to Northern audiences that slavery was evil and a system that should not be allowed to continue. Light-skinned slaves were living proof of the evils of the American slave system and they were one of the tools abolitionists used to help end slavery. Also, the descriptions and images of these former slaves blurred the lines between black and white and made Northerners, and in some instances Southerners, rethink how they decided a person’s racial classification. Light-skinned slaves did not easily fit into a white or black racial categories and this made nineteenth century Americans redefine what it meant to be white or black.

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L'abolition de la peine de mort est aujourd'hui devenue une des valeurs fondamentales de la civilisation européenne. Nos recherches se feront sous l'axe d'une étude comparée entre les six pays fondateurs de l'actuelle Union Européenne. L'histoire et la culture communes à ces six États ont abouti à ce qu'aujourd'hui tout européen est le citoyen, l'habitant d'une entité quasi indéfinissable, d'un territoire multiple en recherche d'identité, mais abolitionniste. Comment concrètement sont-ils parvenus à imposer une telle clause morale, du sein de leurs propres institutions jusqu'au cœur législatif de l'Union, c'est à dire jusqu'au point où l'abolition devienne une condition sine qua non d'entrée dans l’Union Européenne ? Par l'unicité et le croisement infléchi par l'Europe de quelles histoires nationales est-on parvenu aujourd'hui à cet entendement effectif ? Quels furent les artisans de cette pensée : les hommes, les réseaux, les mouvements politiques ou idéologiques ? Et pour quelle raison s'impliquèrent-ils dans une telle cause ? Leur engagement européiste fut-il indissociable de l'abolitionnisme, et réciproquement ? L'histoire de la peine de mort et de son abolition s'inscrit dans l'histoire et la philosophie du droit, l'histoire des mentalités, les sciences politiques et ce que l'on pourrait nommer l'histoire civique. Cette dernière correspond aux fondamentaux idéologiques d'une société de droit, elle est la marque d'une appartenance à une même collectivité au service d'une même nation ou des mêmes idéaux. L'abolition de la sanction capitale est l'œuvre d'hommes particuliers, mais appartenant tous à un contexte national, qu'il soit économique, social, intellectuel ou juridique. Notre étude ne peut avoir de sens qu'à l'aune de l'ensemble de ces nombreux facteurs. / The abolition of the death penalty has now become one of the fundamental values of European civilization. Our research will be in the axis of a comparative study between the six founding countries of the current EU. The history and culture common to these six states led to what today is all European citizens, the living entity almost indefinable territory in search of multiple identity, but abolitionist. How are they actually able to impose such a clause morality, within their own institutions to the heart of the legislative union, ie to the point where abolition becomes a sine qua non of entry into the EU? By the uniqueness and cross deflected by the European national histories is what we today reached this understanding effective? What were the architects of this thought: men, networks, political or ideological movements? And why they became involved in such a cause? Their commitment Europeanist he was inseparable from abolitionism, and vice versa? The history of the death penalty and its abolition is part of the history and philosophy of law, history of mentalities, political science and what might be called the civic history. The latter corresponds to the fundamental ideological company law, it is the mark of belonging to the same community in the service of the same nation or ideals. The abolition of capital punishment is the work of particular men, but all belonging to a national context, whether economic, social, cultural or legal. Our study can be meaningful only in terms of all of these many factors.

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Despite abundant evidence that race has been a significant factor in informing historical processes in Swaziland there is presently no major study that focusses on the theme. The main aim of the current thesis is to examine the impact of discriminatory policies and practices in the country by analyzing the reaction of different sections of the society to formal and informal discrimination. While focussing on the period between 1945 and 1973 the thesis traces the evolution of Swaziland’s racial history dating back to the 1840s. The thesis also shows how the conditions created by the intervention of the colonial state as well as competing white interests between 1903 and 1944 deepened political and economic inequality in the country. In parallel, the thesis explores Swazi agency as was manifested through the reactions and initiatives of the monarchy when it stood up to challenge discriminatory policies and practices which were being applied to blacks. This was strongly indicated from the 1930s when a revived cultural nationalism was embraced by the Swazi monarchy to articulate Swazi grievances. To highlight contradictions in Swaziland’s racial patterns Coloured identity is discussed extensively. The thesis also explores the manner in which the Swazi educated elite confronted racial discrimination and argues that their approach was inadequate in alleviating racial injustices as they were experienced by most Swazis in different places. The central argument of the thesis, therefore, is that the formal abolition of discrimination in Swaziland in 1961 is to be understood against the anti - colonial politics in the post - World War II era. The thesis contends that the abolition of racial discrimination by the Swaziland colonial administration was largely a diplomatic gesture necessitated by the local and contemporary political climate as well as changing international relations of the 1960s including developments in the Union / Republic of South Africa. Finally, the thesis observes that since the outlawing of discrimination was not necessarily an indication of government’s political commitment to confronting racism the post - abolition period was not a fundamental departure from the pre - abolition era. Discriminatory attitudes and practices persisted in covert as well as overt, but, subtle forms in most spheres of Swazi society and particularly at the work place. This thesis also observes that the lack of holistic strategies to curb racially inspired practices led to unabated manifestations of discrimination in the country.

The following analysis of antislavery poetry evidences the shared language of abolition that incorporated the societal dynamics of law, gender, and race through shared themes of family, the assumed expectation of freedom, and legal references. This thesis focuses upon four women antislavery poets and analyzes their poems and their individual experiences with their sociohistorical contexts. The poems of Hannah More, Ann Yearsley, Phillis Wheatley, and Sarah Forten show this shared transatlantic language of abolition.

Master of Education - Educational Psychology / In the last decade, corporal punishment in South African schools was banned. This is in keeping with international trends of recognising of the rights of the child and the South African Constitution. Despite the legal ban, newspapers and limited research reveal that corporal punishment practices are sill occurring in schools. Government has made efforts to curb the continuing use of corporal punishment. This research explores teachers’ attitudes towards the ban of corporal punishment as well as the alternate discipline strategies teachers are using to discipline their learners. The research methods adopted were quantitative questionnaires and qualitative written responses. Results of this study suggest that teachers still view corporal punishment as having a place in education. Teachers are concerned amongst others about their personal safety and feel the administering of corporal punishment will ensure their safety. Teachers’ do report that they have found alternatives that do work, however, they still feel that the training that is provided is not able to meet their needs in the classroom situation.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:35:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MURILO BORGES SILVA.pdf: 824231 bytes, checksum: aa2cd0df26a4ea638bc7f7736789bbd0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-16 / This study aims to analyze the last years of slavery in Jataí and the first years of post-abolition, with the intention to notice the different perspectives of the masters and slaves in the process of abolition. In this sense, the reading that was made through the bibliography tries to point out the dynamic of the slavery in the region, confronting the idea, yet rooted in the historiography which suggests that the slavery in Goiás would have less intense configurations than in other places. However, from the dialogue between documents as Brazil's Census in 1872, registers of buying and selling slaves, freedom letters, inventories, and crime process, associated with other sources as the memoir literature, it was possible to point out the tensions and conflicts between the masters and slaves that were tough especially in the decades of 70 s and 80 s in the XIX century. In this perspective, the captive's strategies to confront the slavery and become free can be detected, as well as, the tactics developed by the masters in order to manipulate the loss of their moral power and make the abolitionist process slow and gradual. Eventually, the research focuses on the experiences of masters and ex-slaves in the first years of post-abolition in Jataí. / Este estudo procura analisar os anos finais da escravidão em Jataí e os primeiros anos da pós-abolição, com o intuito de perceber as diferentes perspectivas de senhores e escravos com o processo da abolição. Nesse sentido, as leituras que se fizeram das fontes intenta evidenciar a dinâmica da escravidão na região, confrontando a ideia, já arraigada na historiografia que sugere que a escravidão em Goiás teria configurações mais amenas do que em outras localidades. Portanto, a partir do diálogo entre documentos como o recenseamento do Brasil de 1872, registros de compra e venda de escravos, cartas de liberdade, inventários e processos crimes, associados a outras fontes como a literatura memorialista foi possível demonstrar as tensões e conflitos entre senhores e escravos que estiveram acirradas especialmente nas décadas de 70 e 80 do século XIX. Nessa perspectiva, vislumbra-se as estratégias dos cativos para confrontar a escravidão e tornarem-se livres, bem como, as táticas desenvolvidas por senhores para burlarem a perda do seu poder moral e tornar o processo abolicionista lento e gradual. Por fim, a pesquisa debruça-se sobre as experiências de senhores e ex-escravos nos primeiros anos da pós-abolição em Jataí.

L’année 1854, bien que centrale dans le processus d’abolition du régime seigneurial au Québec, ne marque pas la fin de cette institution. Bien que la grande majorité des droits et devoirs féodaux soient supprimés au XIXe siècle, force est de constater que la loi de 1854 confirme les droits des seigneurs sur leurs fiefs. Ceux-ci se sont ainsi vus octroyer des indemnisations pour la perte de leurs droits. Une rente constituée est aussi instaurée en remplacement des anciens cens et rentes qui étaient dus annuellement. Ce paiement de nature seigneuriale effectué annuellement va d’ailleurs persister jusqu’en 1940. À ce moment, le Syndicat national du rachat des rentes seigneuriales va racheter, comme pour les autres prérogatives seigneuriales au XIXe siècle, les droits sur les rentes constituées à ceux que l’on peut qualifier de derniers seigneurs québécois. Entre 1854 et 1940, comme la propriété seigneuriale avant 1854, les rentes constituées ont été l’objet de nombreuses transactions et successions. Malgré ces mutations on constate la pérennité de certaines grandes familles seigneuriales jusqu’en 1940, dont certaines étaient présentes dès les premiers moments de la Nouvelle-France. En tout, dans près de la moitié des seigneuries de 1940, ce seront les descendants des propriétaires de 1854 qui seront présents, ou la même institution dans le cas de ce type de propriétaire. Les propriétaires de l’autre moitié des seigneuries montrent plutôt le reflet des changements socio-économiques au Québec durant la période. De plus, la grande pérennité des revenus seigneuriaux entre 1854 et 1940, et le désir d’indemniser les derniers seigneurs en 1940 provoquent l’envoi de plus de 700 chèques d’indemnisations, entre 1940 et 1950, totalisant près de 3,2 millions de dollars aux derniers propriétaires de rente constituée. Ainsi, même si l’objectif était d’abolir la seigneurie en 1854, la persistance des seigneurs et des rentes constituées force à relativiser cette suppression et à revoir les dates marquantes du régime seigneurial laurentien.