<p>Moving beyond traditional conceptions of suicide in Romantic literature as indices of Romanticism's fascination with tragic or mad genius, this dissertation traces how Romantic-era writers also employed the trope of suicide as a political tool to argue for the rationality of individuals without rights, or with limited rights, such as slaves, women, and the poor. In both scholarly and post-Romantic artistic engagements with so-called Romantic suicide, suicide is typically interpreted as neither a critique of an unlivable society, nor even a mark of mental illness, but instead operates as a meta-critique of art itself, suggesting that the artist, by virtue of his creativity, is somehow beyond this world. But by showing how suicide also emerged, in the Romantic period, as a metaphor for challenging social structures associated with liberal individualism, Suicidal Romanticism posits that the emphasis on the link between creative and suicidal proclivities associated with Romanticism, which persists even in our contemporary imagination in spite of social scientific arguments to the contrary, troubles our capacity to talk either about the problem of mental illness or about the social injustices that would drive somebody to want not to live. The Romantic writers examined here--including Thomas Day and John Bicknell, Mary and Percy Shelley, and William Wordsworth--proposed an alternative conception of suicide, positing the need to open the social field to recognize all those who are considered "non-subjects." By using suicide as a metaphor to interrogate the roots of inequality within a social structure based on exclusive individualism, these writers suggest that acts of suicide represent responses not only to private phenomena, but also to social conditions, and that the two are not mutually exclusive. By thus reading Romantic-era discourses of suicide as radical interrogations of liberalism, Suicidal Romanticism also positions Romanticism itself as a response to political questions that first emerged in abolitionist and women's rights discourses of the long eighteenth century.</p> / Dissertation

The thesis aims to estimate the future migration flows from Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova to the EU. Based on the experience of previous EU enlargements and econometric modelling using the method of Ordinary Least Squares with Fixed Effects, multiple forecasts are created. The forecasts capture the likely development of migration flows in the event of collapse of labour market restrictions as well as the case of no labour market liberalization. The results show that migration flows are expected to be moderate, posing no threats to the stability of the labour markets of EU member states. The increase of migration due to the accession to the EU is likely to be short-term, without substantial impacts in the long-run. Ukraine has the biggest migration potential and is likely to supply the highest amount of labour migration.

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de estudar o movimento abolicionista de São Paulo pela perspectiva de duas lojas maçônicas existentes na cidade, Piratininga e América. Num universo de cinco lojas maçônicas existentes na cidade, optou-se por analisar as Lojas Piratininga e América em razão de ambas reunirem as principais lideranças abolicionistas da capital da província, Luiz Gama e Antonio Bento. Na primeira parte da pesquisa, investiga-se a atuação dessas lojas no movimento abolicionista, considerando que cada uma delas possuía diretrizes distintas sobre como deveriam proceder perante o tema do encaminhamento da extinção do trabalho escravo. Na segunda parte, com o intuito de compreender em que medida as narrativas maçônicas sobre a memória da abolição superestimaram a atuação perpetrada pela organização no processo abolicionista desencadeado entre as décadas de 1870 e 1880, é feita uma análise da literatura maçônica e de outros espaços que cumpriram o papel de consagrar a memória da abolição maçônica em São Paulo. Para o desenvolvimento do presente estudo tomou-se como referência os livros de atas produzidos entre os anos de 1850 e 1880, bem como documentos avulsos, cujos acervos encontram-se depositados nos arquivos particulares das referidas lojas. Embora os livros de atas correspondam à documentação principal da pesquisa, outras fontes maçônicas encontradas também em arquivos públicos como jornais, regulamentos e constituições foram incorporados ao estudo, assim como, jornais não maçônicos, de larga circulação na época, que oferecem dados sobre o cotidiano das atividades maçônicas. / This thesis aims to study the abolitionist movement in São Paulo through the perspective of two masonic lodges, Piratininga and America. In a political universe of five masonic lodges, we decided to analyze those lodges because they harbored the most prominent abolitionist leaders of the city, Luiz Gama and Antonio Bento. In the first part of this research, we will look at the performance of the masonic lodges, considering the fact that they had diferente guidelines for procedures regarding the end of slavery. In the second part, with the goal of understanding how the narratives of the masonic lodges about the memory of abolition overestimated their actions in the decades between 1870 e 1880, we will analyze the masonic literature and other institutions that played a major role in consecrating the memory of masonic abolition in São Paulo. This study is based on minute books written between 1850 and 1880 and others primary sources found in the archives of Masonic Lodges. Though the minute books is the main source of this research, we will analyze other public archives, newspapers, and documents that had a wide circulation and provide us with details of the daily procedures of Masonic lodges.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-06-28T12:56:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Aparecida Macedo Larindo.pdf: 43514457 bytes, checksum: de169c02c690ebd91add0e69499203d0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-28T12:56:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aparecida Macedo Larindo.pdf: 43514457 bytes, checksum: de169c02c690ebd91add0e69499203d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-19 / The purpose of this dissertation is to reflect on the historical and social representation of the Afrodescendant in Goiás in the second half of the nineteenth century, guided by the trajectory of journalist and abolitionist José do Patrocínio Marques Tocantins. To begin, I conducted an analysis of the existing historical narratives and the travelers' vision of Goias in the nineteenth century, which were and continue to be references for the study of the History of Goias; focusing on the influence of these historical narratives, on the construction of the Afrodescendent representation in the collective memory of Brazilian and foreign societies. In order to (re) build the historical trajectory of José do Patrocínio, in addition to bibliographies, I used documents and records found in the Museum of the Flags (MUBAN), in the Frei Simão Library and in the diocesan archive Dom Tomás Baldoíno, both from the City of Goiás and also the newspapers: The Free Tribune and The Goyano Publisher, published in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. By reading between the lines of these documents facilitated the visibility of this man who faced the difficulties inherent by the family, social and cultural situation in which he lived; his occupation in the social and cultural spaces in Goiás, his ethnic marriage to Anna Francisca Tocantins and also the importance of the media in the period of political and social transition in the Province, especially in matters concerning the abolition. / O propósito desta dissertação é refletir sobre a histórica do afrodescendente em Goiás na segunda metade do século XIX, norteada pela experiência do jornalista e abolicionista goiano, José do Patrocínio Marques Tocantins; dentro do contexto socioeconômico, político e cultural da Província. Para iniciar, realizei uma análise das narrativas históricas já existentes e a visão dos viajantes sobre Goiás, no século XIX, as quais foram e continuam sendo referências para o estudo da História de Goiás; com atenção voltada para a influência dessas narrativas históricas na construção da representação do afrodescendente na memória coletiva da sociedade brasileira e estrangeira. Para (re) construir as experiências de José do Patrocínio, além de bibliografias, utilizei documentos e registros encontrados no Museu das Bandeiras (MUBAN), na Biblioteca Frei Simão e no arquivo diocesano Dom Tomás Baldoíno, ambos da Cidade de Goiás; e também os jornais: A Tribuna Livre e O Publicador Goyano, publicados nas duas últimas décadas do século XIX. Ler as entrelinhas desses documentos facilitou o reavivamento da história desse goiano que enfrentou as dificuldades inerentes à condição familiar e cultural em que vivia: suas ações desenvolvidas nos espaços sociais e culturais em Goiás; seu casamento interétnico com Anna Francisca Tocantins e, também, a importância da imprensa no período de transição política e social na Província, especialmente nos assuntos ligados à abolição.

Este trabalho busca situar a questão racial em Graciliano Ramos, mais especificamente, no livro de memórias Infância. A partir de alguns capítulos selecionados, será possível mostrar como o escritor foi capaz de abordar o tema e analisar a situação social e econômica dos negros na passagem do século XIX ao XX, período pós-abolição da escravidão no Brasil. Para reforço da questão principal, o texto aborda o levantamento do assunto no restante da obra de Graciliano Ramos; a interação com a crítica do livro de memórias; a apresentação das idéias de alguns pesquisadores especializados no problema racial brasileiro. As imagens da criança negra, da mulher, do homem e, inevitavelmente, do mestiço são comparadas às imagens similares criadas por outros ficcionistas brasileiros. Por último, numa perspectiva das diferenças culturais entre países, algumas situações estão levemente confrontadas com a biografia do educador Booker Washington, nascido nos Estados Unidos, cujo livro foi traduzido para o português pelo escritor alagoano. / This paper seeks to locate the racial issue at Graciliano Ramos, more specifically, in the memoir book Childhood. From some selected chapters, it is possible to show how the writer was able to approach the issue and to analyze the black peoples social and economic situation at the transition from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the post-abolition of slavery in Brazil. To reinforce the main issue, this study rises the subject in the rest of Graciliano Ramos work, interacts with the memoir book critique, and, presents some specialized researchers ideas about the racial problem in Brazil. The images of the black child, woman, man and, inevitably, the mulatto are compared to similar images created by others brazilians novelists. Finally, in a perspective of cultural differences between countries, some situations slightly confront Booker Washingtons biography, the educator born in the United States, whose book was translated into Portuguese by the writer from Alagoas.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T19:27:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho tem a intenção de investigar as formas pelas quais a vida em liberdade foi construída pelos indivíduos oriundos do cativeiro, tomando como locus de observação o município de São Francisco de Paula, no nordeste do Rio Grande do Sul, durante as duas décadas finais do século XIX. Nesta localidade serrana, investiguei aspectos como moradia, relacionamento com os antigos senhores, tutela de menores, trabalho, criminalidade, engajamento militar e os nomes adotados pelos ex-cativos na vida em liberdade, como algumas vias de acesso aos complexos caminhos pelos quais se deu sua inserção, em novos parâmetros, na sociedade em que viviam / This paper intends to investigate the forms through which free life was built by former slaves, taking as locus the city of São Francisco de Paula, in the northeast of Rio Grande do Sul, during the two final decades of the 19th century. In this city,located in the highlands, I investigated subjects such as residence, relationship with the old masters, child tutelage, work, criminality, military engagement, and the names adopted by former slaves in free life as some of the means of access to the complex ways through which their insertion in their society was, under new parameters, made possible

This thesis examines how the slave uprising in the French Caribbean sugar colony of Saint-Domingue (1791-1804) had dramatic and long-lasting repercussions on the neighbouring Spanish possessions of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Santo Domingo. Events in Saint-Domingue took place during a period of profound change in the Spanish colonies. Reforms implemented during the reign of Carlos III (1759-1788) had begun to shift the imperial economic focus from the extraction of precious metals in Spain's American colonies towards the potential of intensive agriculture, especially sugar. The process was accelerated by France's loss of Saint-Domingue in 1804, which presented the Spanish islands under Carlos IV (1788-1808) with the opportunity to have a much larger share of the sugar trade - a chance which Cuba and Puerto Rico were quick to seize. At the same time, Napoleon Bonaparte's overthrow of the Spanish monarchy, the war against France (1808-1814), and the writing of a Spanish constitution (1812) precipitated the unravelling of most of Spain's empire, bar the Philippines and the sugar islands in the Caribbean. The thesis focuses on how relations between Madrid and the Caribbean islands were significantly altered in the wake of peninsular upheaval. At the same time, this work also considers the islands' reconfigured relationship with new republic of Haiti, formed by the freed slaves of Saint-Domingue. Drawing from correspondence between the crown and the island authorities, as well as between colonial officials, this thesis also examines the culture of fear that permeated the Spanish possessions. Initially, this fear reflected anxieties about Saint-Domingue-style slave rebellions, but as mainland Spanish colonies became independent - and Santo Domingo fell under Haitian control in 1822 - this fear took on a new dimension and became a vital tie between Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Madrid, contributing to the continuation of colonial rule until the Spanish-American War of 1898.

Esta tese investiga as experiências de sociabilidade negra na região fronteiriça Brasil – Uruguai no pós-abolição. Tem como objeto central os clubes negros criados entre as décadas de 10 e 40 do século XX, cujas expressões estão nas seguintes cidades e respectivos clubes: Jaguarão ‒ Club 24 de Agosto (1918 – até hoje); Pelotas ‒ Fica AhíPrá Ir Dizendo (1921 - até hoje); Bagé ‒ Os Zíngaros (1936 - até hoje); Palmeira (1948– ?); Melo ‒ Centro Uruguay (1923 – atéhoje).O propósito do trabalho é mapear o processo de racialização vivenciado na fronteira no pós-abolição. O recorte cronológico remonta ao surgimento dos clubes negros no Uruguai e no Rio Grande do Sul/Brasil, em 1872, e avança até a década de 1960. As fontes utilizadas foram, basicamente, imprensa negra, escritas de vivências, depoimentos orais de antigos e antigas associadas e fotografias e aquelas produzidas no âmbito dos clubes. / This thesis investigates the black sociability experiences in the border region Brazil - Uruguay in the post-abolition.Its central purpose is the black clubs created between the decade of 10 and 40 of the twentieth century in the following cities and their respective clubs: Jaguarão–Club24 de Agosto(1918 - until today); Pelotas –FicaAhíPráIrDizendo (1921 - until today); Bagé – OsZíngaros (1936 - to this day), Palmeira (1948 -?); Melo - Centro Uruguay (1923- until today).The purpose of this work is to map the process of racialization experienced on the frontier in post-abolition.Chronologically, the study starts from the emergence of black clubs in Uruguay and Rio Grande do Sul/Brazil, in 1872, and advances until the 1960s.The historical sources used were basically black press, written experiences, oral testimonies of old and former associates and photographs, as well as those produced within the clubs.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-22T22:18:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Provino Pozza Neto.pdf: 1442917 bytes, checksum: 67e2d4eb09a0d711bb16b50afc809352 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-03 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / Amazonas was the second imperial province to abolish slavery, anticipating in four years Lei Áurea . Our take is that slavery in the Amazon Province was organized by a logic inherent to the slavery system, thus the present work has the general purpose of elucidating the impact of manumissionist actions in the context of the Amazonas Imperial Province. Crossing data from press and presidents of provinces reports with the analysis of 152 manumission letters (1850 - 1887), this work aims to interpret the historical scene that delineated the path of Amazonian province abolitionists / O Amazonas foi a segunda província imperial a abolir a escravidão, antecipando em quatro anos, a Lei Áurea. Partindo da hipótese de que a escravidão no Amazonas regeu-se por uma lógica inerente ao sistema escravocrata, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral elucidar o impacto das ações emancipacionistas no contexto escravocrata do Amazonas Imperial. Cruzando dados disponíveis na imprensa e nos relatórios de província com a análise de 152 cartas de alforria (1850 - 1887), este trabalho visa interpretar o cenário histórico que delineou os rumos abolicionistas amazonenses.Escravidão; Abolição; História do Amazonas

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o processo de abolição da escravidão, enfocando a participação de diversos setores que negociaram ideias e vivenciaram relações - a partir de embates, expectativas, leituras de mundo e significados da liberdade - em um momento que diferentes projetos estavam sendo apresentados na arena social. Levando em consideração a diversidade regional, a pesquisa procura inserir o caso do Sul de Minas Gerais no debate historiográfico atual sobre a abolição e o abolicionismo no Império brasileiro (1880-1888). No que tange aos múltiplos projetos, ações e discursos propostos naquele período, abordamos o perfil e as perspectivas de indivíduos e grupos - escravos, libertos, livres, senhores e abolicionistas - que, através dos documentos, deixaram evidenciar seus posicionamentos diante da crise do sistema escravista. Assim, procuramos acessar as formas de resistência elaboradas e experimentadas pelos escravos na busca pela liberdade; os desafios das políticas de Estado para a manutenção da ordem e do controle sobre os conflitos sociais; as estratégias das elites para a preservação de certos privilégios, bem como sua tentativa de conduzir o processo de transformação das relações de força e de trabalho; e as mais variadas formas e atuações abolicionistas que deram o tom naquele cenário, carregadas de interesses, arranjos políticos e jogadas de poder. Para isso, as principais fontes elencadas foram a documentação da Polícia e da Justiça, os jornais e os relatos memorialísticos. / This work aims to analyze the abolition of slavery process, focusing on the participation of various social sectors that negotiated ideas and experienced relationships from clash of interests, expectations, world views and freedom meanings at a time when different projects were being presented in the social arena. Taking into account regional diversity, this research seeks to insert southern Minas Gerais case in the current historiographical debate on abolition and abolitionism in Brazilian Empire period (1880-1888). Regarding multiple projects, proposed actions and speeches at that time, we discuss the profile and prospects of individuals and groups slaves, freedmen, free, masters and abolitionists that have made very clear their positions, by means of documents, in facing the crisis of the slavery system. Thereby we seek to access the ways of resistance developed and experienced by slaves in the quest for freedom; the state policies challenges for the maintenance of order and control over social conflicts; the elites strategies to preserve certain privileges, as well as their attempt to lead the transformation process of power and work relationships; and the most varied abolitionists ways and performances that set the tone in that scene, loaded of interests, political arrangements and power moves. For this, the main listed sources were Police and Justice documentation, newspapers and memorialistic reports.