Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2013-03-13Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:11:07Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 freire_pfs_me_arafcl.pdf: 541781 bytes, checksum: e5e19b870faf529a9419bd6e8811b14e (MD5) / O desenvolvimento do capitalismo brasileiro vem se sustentando numa divisão social do trabalho capaz, cada vez mais, de produzir, à base da monocultura e do grande imóvel, bens agrícolas para o mercado externo. O setor sucroalcooleiro da região de Ribeirão Preto-SP desponta como um dos pólos mais sólidos dessa tendência. O elevado grau de produtividade econômica agrícola da região deu-se à custa de contradições sociais, dentre as quais se sobressai a superexploração do trabalho. Os critérios estipulados para aferir se um imóvel é produtivo ou improdutivo, baseiam-se em dados estatísticos de 1975/76 e até o hoje não foram atualizados, gerando mobilizações sociais de defesa da Reforma Agrária. As particularidades do desenvolvimento capitalista no Brasil levaram diversos setores da esquerda brasileira, a formularem teorias políticas de superação de nosso atraso econômico frente ao grande desenvolvimento das forças produtivas nos países capitalistas centrais. Este debate perpassa por diversas organizações de esquerda do Brasil, principalmente as ligadas ao campo (como o MST - Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra), isto o torna extremamente atual e necessário para compreendê-lo e superá-lo através do levantamento de desafios concernentes a esta problemática. A Reforma Agrária, no caso brasileiro, reclama para si uma tarefa muito além de atingir patamares de produtividade altíssimos, exigidos pelo padrão de produção e consumo de mercadorias exportáveis / The development of Brazilian capitalism has been sustaining a social division of labor capable, increasingly, to produce, based monoculture and large property, agricultural goods to foreign markets. The sugarcane sector in the region of Ribeirão Preto-SP emerges as one of the poles stronger this tendency. The high degree of economic productivity of the agricultural region occurred at the expense of social contradictions, among which stands out the overexploitation of labor. The criteria established to assess whether a property is productive or unproductive, are based on statistics from 1975/76 and until today have not been updated, generating social mobilizations in defense of Agrarian Reform. The particularities of capitalist development in Brazil led various sectors of the Brazilian left, to formulate political theories of overcoming our economic backwardness forward to the great development of the productive forces in the core capitalist countries. This debate goes through several leftist organizations in Brazil, mainly related to the field (such as the MST - Movement of Landless Rural Workers), this makes it extremely current and necessary to understand it and overcome it by surveying challenges concerning to this issue. Agrarian Reform in the Brazilian case, claims for itself a task far beyond reach very high levels of productivity required by the pattern of production and consumption of exportable goods

Esta dissertação investiga o educativo na Marcha Mundial de Mulheres, partindo da premissa de que os movimentos sociais populares são também espaços de educação. A opção pelo materialismo histórico dialético, como método, não é nada fácil no atual momento histórico. Isso porque este método exige uma rigorosa análise das múltiplas determinações que atravessam a sociedade de classes, mormente a atual. Assim, buscar condicionamentos e rupturas torna-se difícil num mundo acadêmico que busca fatiar o conhecimento e negar a possibilidade de captar a totalidade do real. Foram adotadas como metodologia: a observação participante, a pesquisa bibliográfica em materiais impressos e a análise de instrumentos audiovisuais. Análises de entrevistas semi-estruturadas também se fizeram necessárias. Como referência teórica fundamental trabalhou-se com os conceitos de anúncio e denúncia, de Paulo Freire, permitindo concluir, com isso, que a Marcha Mundial das Mulheres educa suas militantes em todos os aspectos da vida, além de alfabetizá-las politicamente para intervenção no mundo, incluindo os espaços públicos e privados. E com este movimento de anúncio e denúncia, proposto por Freire, observa-se que é possível construir o inédito viável, ou, mais propriamente, uma utopia realizável. / This dissertation investigates the educational at the World March of Women, on the premise that popular social movements are also educational spaces. The choice of dialectical historical materialism as a method, it is not easy in the current historical moment. That's because this method requires a rigorous analysis of multiple determinations that cross class society, especially the current one. So look for conditions and disruptions becomes difficult in academia that seeks slice knowledge and deny the possibility of grasping the totality of reality. They were adopted as methodology: participant observation, the literature in printed materials and analysis of audiovisual instruments. Analysis of semi-structured interviews also were required. As a fundamental theoretical reference work was done with advertising concepts and denunciation of Paulo Freire, allowing to conclude, therefore, that the World March of Women educates its militants in all aspects of life, as well as literate them politically for intervention world, including public and private spaces. And with this announcement motion and complaint, proposed by Freire, it is observed that it is possible to build viable unpublished, or, more properly, an achievable utopia.

Broadly defined as self-expressive media and communication artifacts, youth-generated media have become more ubiquitous as media-making tools became cheaper, smaller and more accessible. Moving beyond questions of media effects and consumption, this dissertation explores why and how street racing followers, graffiti artists, web activists, demonstration organizers and others are developing and circulating media artifacts in Lebanon and Saudi Arabia. What motivates them? What type of media are they developing? How do youth conceptualize, execute and distribute their media? What social, economic, cultural contexts are affecting these productions? And what are the implications of youth-generated media on Arab discourse? Drawing on six months of fieldwork, I use a multidisciplinary comparative approach to advance an underrated issue in global media studies. To meet this objective, the dissertation is organized in eight chapters. The first three chapters provide theoretical underpinnings and methodological considerations for an empirically based and theoretically inspired framework to study youth-generated media. Chapters four and five examine specific recent social movements in Lebanon (Independence 05 and July 06 War); while chapters six and seven analyze specific discourses related to Saudi youth leisure time (al-Faragh) and employment policies (Saudization). In their totality, these cases are not an exhaustive list but an illustrative representation of youth-generated media `pulsed' at a particular juncture in Arab youth history.

Stories abound within our culture, and rarely are stories bestowed more legitimacy than within the courts. Social "facts" might be established within the legal forum, but nonetheless connect to everyday life. Research in social movements and judicial politics is thus becoming increasingly useful as social movement organizations increasingly compete before the Court to effect cultural change through the reification of their stories. Lesbian, gay and bisexuals form one group of storytellers whose "collective stories" are told. It is this set of stories that this paper investigates, following the "narrative turn" in sociology to analyze LGB social movement narratives in the empirical setting of the Supreme Court. I present the findings of my content analysis of the amicus curiae, or "friend of the Court," briefs and Court opinions in the Bowers v. Hardwick and Lawrence and Garner v. Texas cases, two of the most significant LGB rights cases, covering a span of nearly twenty years. Despite virtually identical casefacts, the Court handed down differing decisions, first ruling against the social movement before later reversing its decision. This research assesses how the narrative voices in the cases changed within the discourse of the Court, and how these collective narratives resonated within a changing culture. First, I assess how LGB social movement organizations, their allies, and countermovement organizations changed their framings and frame alignment processes, how they changed their emotions work and rhetoric, and how these changes were evidence of organizations' identity work processes during the interim between cases. Next, I assess changes in framings and frame alignment processes and emotions work and rhetoric within the opinions handed down by the Court. This serves two purposes: it allows for a comparison of organizational frame resonance with the Court, and also allows analysis of the decisions' resonance within the larger culture. Analysis is also made of the symbolic meanings found within the opinions of the Court in both cases. This analysis shows that LGB social movement and countermovement organizations operate within a cultural code of sexuality. Narratives are useful in observing how norms within this cultural code are enforced, strengthened, or changed by negotiation and legitimization before the Court. Consequently, this research contributes not only to our understandings of cultural change, but also to social movement theory, especially of identity work processes, to the field of social psychology, to the sociology of sexualities, and to the sociology of emotions and emotions work.

The radical animal rights movement has been labeled a terrorist movement by federal law enforcement and elected officials, and there have been laws passed making direct action in the name of animal rights a federal offense of domestic terrorism. This dissertation explores the ways in which terrorism has been socially and politically constructed to marginalize the animal rights movement, to the benefit of powerful and well connected interests. I do this by comparing the radical animal rights and extreme anti-abortion movements, especially in the ways each gets labeled by federal law enforcement. The animal rights movement is more likely to be referred to as a terrorist movement, even though the extreme anti-abortion movement has been responsible for the murders and assaults of health clinic workers and doctors. This in spite of the fact that no one has been physically harmed by the animal rights movement. I examine the ways in which the pharmaceutical and bio-medical industries have been able to get laws passed, at both the state and federal levels, criminalizing animal rights activism. I also explore the various ways animal rights activists have faced political repression based on their political beliefs, as well as the response of animal rights activists and civil liberties lawyers to this form of state repression.

This dissertation is a study of the tensions between the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) political party, nongovernmental organizations (NGO), and indigenous social movement struggles for territorial autonomy. This study takes a multiscale approach by examining (1) the emergence of competing indigenous leadership organizations, (2) state repression of civil society groups, and (3) strategic indigenous-NGO alliances to preserve Native Community Lands (Tierra Comunitaria de Orígen, TCOs). At the community level, the study examines new organizations of state-aligned indigenous groups that represent extractive interests and threaten social movement cohesion. At the national level, this paper analyzes the controversial road project in the Isiboro-Sécure Indigenous Territory and National Park (TIPNIS) and similar state efforts to erode legal protections for native lands in the interests of extractivism. Analyzing the academic and public debates over indigenous politics in the Amazon, this study explores the struggle between the state and lowland indigenous groups over popular hegemony and the ability to shape international perception over indigeneity, socialism, and resource exploitation. The findings support lowland indigenous social movement claims of state repression but situate this criticism within a path dependent world system dominated by global capital.

This thesis assesses the role of gender in social movement contestation of TransCanada’s Energy East pipeline. By understanding gender as a social construction and social position from which political action and transformation can occur, the study examines how hegemonic understandings and performances of femininity and masculinity influenced social movement engagement, tactics employed, and activist spaces and dynamics, if at all, within the climate movement in Canada. Using a snowball recruitment method, I interviewed 10 activists from November 2017 to May 2018 from four provinces, all of whom were engaged in the Energy East fight. I found that while particular gendered tactics, such as direct action, were not pivotal in the movement’s ultimate victory, gender did influence how people engaged in activism and how spaces within the movement were structured. Areas such as feminist leadership, non-profit versus grassroots spaces, and the ways in which movement members took up space were where gender played the clearest role. Moreover, some of the findings do reflect what has been found in available literature: that women make up the majority of the environmental base yet are underrepresented in high level spaces and traditional leadership. This thesis also explores potential next steps to make the climate justice movement more inclusive and equitable. While it remains unclear to what extent gender played a decisive role in the ultimate defeat of the pipeline project, it did influence internal dynamics, leadership, and recruitment.

The men’s rights movement (MRM) is a loosely affiliated collection of primarily online communities that together form a substantial component of a broader constellation of online men’s groups known as the “manosphere”. Though the specific ideologies that comprise the core of the modern MRM have existed since the mid-1970s, it was not until the advent of modern online communications that the movement was able to iterate into the form it is today. This research project examines the MRM as a form of reactionary countermovement, rooted in a collective sense of grievance, which directs knowledge producers and movement participants alike to engage in collective identity construction and in-group boundary maintenance through a shared, collaboratively developed countermemory. The research, composed of a qualitative analysis of MRM-produced texts found across more than thirty websites and online communities, indicates that the bulk of MRM literature and online activity facilitates the maintenance of this countermemory and to enable the movement to challenge its ideological opponents. Additionally, through a limited number of narrative interviews with members of pro-feminist men’s groups, this research contrasts the inward-facing orientation of MRM knowledge production and activity against that of pro-feminist men’s organizations, which engage in outward-facing, community-focused activism rooted in a shared sense of responsibility. This dissertation contributes to social movement theory by illustrating how online movements make use of virtual space through the construction of what I term virtual geographies to facilitate identity construction and knowledge transmission. The MRM makes use of these spaces to construct alternative discursive frameworks – countermemory – which allow for a reconceptualization of men’s social position from one of privilege and dominance, to one of marginalization and oppression. / Graduate / 2019-08-22

192f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-11T16:28:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Eduardo Goncalvesseg.pdf: 1866364 bytes, checksum: 790e3f9181c39d7dc8fb04840dc7dc2b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná(dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-05-21T18:59:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Eduardo Goncalvesseg.pdf: 1866364 bytes, checksum: 790e3f9181c39d7dc8fb04840dc7dc2b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-21T18:59:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Eduardo Goncalvesseg.pdf: 1866364 bytes, checksum: 790e3f9181c39d7dc8fb04840dc7dc2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Esta Dissertação tem por objetivo de pesquisa investigar como a grande mídia nacional constrói e veicula representações do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), particularmente aquelas encontradas na revista ISTOÉ. Enfoca-se o processo discursivo veiculado por essa mídia a respeito do MST, decompondo-o a partir de elementos que identifiquem os seus múltiplos aspectos, centrando-se na construção de imagens e na análise dos argumentos ideológicos. O trabalho de pesquisa foi realizado junto à Biblioteca Central do Estado da Bahia, em Salvador, sendo analisado o universo total de matérias produzido pela revista ISTOÉ entre janeiro de 2001 e dezembro de 2006. Para a análise do discurso foram definidas categorias básicas com o objetivo de compreender como a ideologia configura o discurso midiático hegemônico sobre os movimentos sociais. Os resultados demonstram a representação negativa e estereotipada do MST veiculada pela ISTOÉ, apontando, no entanto, para a necessária relação entre mídia e movimentos sociais. / Salvador

SIQUEIRA, Sandra Maria Marinho. Matrizes históricas dos movimentos sociais: entre a cidadania nos limites do capital e a busca pela emancipação humana. 2006. 206f. – Tese (Doutorado) Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2006. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-06-16T17:10:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_tese_smmsiqueira.pdf: 144211805 bytes, checksum: 4e764b9c6df6b1dc6f79047b55f55bc2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-06-16T17:59:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_tese_smmsiqueira.pdf: 144211805 bytes, checksum: 4e764b9c6df6b1dc6f79047b55f55bc2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-16T17:59:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_tese_smmsiqueira.pdf: 144211805 bytes, checksum: 4e764b9c6df6b1dc6f79047b55f55bc2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Abstract This work to present na actual problem: is foundation in history of social movements, between the stake of capital and the citizen in search of human emancipation. The argumentation hare his base in a writers like Marx (2001a, 2002a, 2002b), Lukács (1979a, 1979b), Mészáros (1981, 1989a, 1989b, 2002), Lessa (1997a, 1997b, 2002), to confront of autors like Touraine (1996, 1999), Mellucci (1992), Gorz (1980), Kurz (1992, 2002), Offe (1989) e Habermas (1990). Recuperate the history by those movements and their importance to the transformation of society, in yours relationship sharer economics, the text to remake the trajectory from the contest of workman through conquests and progress of life and work and his vinculum intrinsic with one project about an society in order to beyond of the money. In analysis of that process from contest of classes, the research try to draw the lines general about news moviments social (NMS), which convoke an important number of individuals, joined lathe by revindications specifics, in general the access to rights political and civils, denying or obstruct along relations socials, however, organize and propose methods of contest pretending displace from the collision of class. To long for therefore, the citizen stay in the stake of society commom, although this, about hers contradiction societies and economics, to develop wounds like misery, hunger and unemployment , ending for restricting the access in the rights prevision in juridical order pertaining to the state common. Acoording to the citizen have, then, laces with the society commom and, to be able to confirm, it to be whit her that have forge yours modern concept of access to the rights citizens, politician and societies, under state guarantee, since that not inquire the pillares essentials to the order of capital. This work comfront the citizen, inscribe in the society of class, in the emancipation of the human being, in line of argumentation propose by Marx (2001a), when he analyze in Manuscript Economic-philosophical in 1844, the emancipation politics common and her surmount for the contest emancipation about all kind of domination economic-society. The human emacipation represent, consequently, one higher horizon, more profound, one transformation by the root, and not only one restrict reform, of order in vigor. She means the association, in all your complescity, of contest for improvement of life and job, with the radical change (along basis) of society common upon to socialism, the association free, by the individuals have the control of production and the product, however the control in all of stage by the aware form and they can develop theirs human potencials. The research analysed how one idea of citizen have been seduce the field of education, in one mode that have been defended the obtainment about the “citizem scool”, that can take a concience by rights and obliged. The counter project of this idea, the emancipation of human being collocate jobs more complex to the education, to mediate between individuals and society and in the context in process ffrom the contest of class and the socialism. / Este trabalho trata de um problema atual: matrizes históricas dos movimentos sociais, entre a cidadania nos marcos do capital e a busca pela emancipação humana. A argumentação se assenta em autores como Marx (2001a, 2002a, 2002b), Lukács (1979a, 1979b), Mészáros (1981, 1989a, 1989b, 2002), Lessa (1997a, 1997b, 2002), contrapostos a autores como Touraine (1996, 1999), Mellucci (1992), Gorz (1980), Kurz (1992, 2002), Offe (1989) e Habermas (1990). Recuperando a historicidade desses movimentos e sua importância para a transformação da sociedade, em suas relações sócio-econômicas, o texto refaz a trajetória da luta dos trabalhadores por conquistas e melhorias de vida e trabalho e seu vínculo intrínseco com um projeto de uma sociedade para além do capital. Na análise desse processo de luta de classes, a pesquisa tenta traçar as linhas gerais dos chamados novos movimentos sociais (NMS), que congregam um importante número de indivíduos, unidos em torno de reivindicações específicas, em geral o acesso a direitos políticos e civis, negados ou obstruídos pelas relações sociais, entretanto, organizando-se e propondo métodos de luta pretensamente deslocados dos choques de classes. Almejam, portanto, a cidadania nos marcos da sociedade burguesa, embora esta, por suas contradições sociais e econômicas, gerem mazelas como miséria, fome e desemprego, acabem por restringir o acesso aos direitos previstos na ordem jurídica estatal burguesa. A cidadania tem, pois, laços com a sociedade burguesa e, pode-se afirmar, foi com ela que se forjou a sua concepção moderna de acesso aos direitos civis, políticos e sociais, sob garantia do Estado, desde que não questionados os pilares fundamentais da ordem do capital. O trabalho contrapõe a cidadania, inscrita na sociedade de classes, à emancipação humana, na linha de argumentação proposta por Marx (2001a), quando analisa, em Manuscritos Econômico-Filosóficos de 1844, a emancipação política burguesa e sua superação pela luta emancipatória de toda forma de dominação econômico-social. A emancipação humana representa, portanto, um horizonte superior, mais profundo, uma transformação pela raiz, e não apenas uma restrita reforma, da ordem vigente. Ela significa a associação, em toda a sua complexidade, da luta por melhorias de vida e trabalho, com a mudança radical (pela raiz) da sociedade burguesa em direção ao socialismo, à associação livre, em que os indivíduos tenham o controle da produção e dos produtos, mas o controlem em todas as suas etapas e de forma consciente e possam desenvolver suas potencialidades humanas. A pesquisa analisou como a idéia d cidadania tem seduzido o campo da educação, de modo que se tem defendido a consecução de uma “escola cidadã”, que forme uma consciência de direitos e deveres. Contraposta a essa idéia, a emancipação humana coloca tarefas mais complexas para a educação, na mediação entre indivíduos e sociedade e a contextualiza no processo da luta de classes e do socialismo.