Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-05-31T17:05:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AndressaVieira.pdf: 4920021 bytes, checksum: d9379904c7bf0181990712677dc370b4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-31T17:05:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AndressaVieira.pdf: 4920021 bytes, checksum: d9379904c7bf0181990712677dc370b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-07 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa e ao Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico do Maranhão (FAPEMA) / The research analyzes the political aspects of the June 2013 manifestations in São Luís city, from the recent economic crisis of 2008 context and in relation to the social classes political action and the state's role as the ruling classes interest cohesive factor. Noteworthy is the organization process, the various groups / social movements participating in the June 2013 manifestations actions and reactions, and the State's responses to these manifestations claims. This research used several research techniques, such as documentary research in original sources or "first hand" (Laws, Bills, Decrees, pronouncements of managers, parliamentarians and activist, newspapers and police reports), militants interviews and content analysis from websites that summoned the protests. The theoretical analysis was based on the categories of social movements, social struggles, state, social classes and economic crisis. I believe that economic crises are inherent to the capitalist system, therefore, the social struggles intensify, demanding the working class organize itself into groups or social movements to perform resistance protests to this adverse scenario. Thus, the recent global events and the June 2013 manifestations should be understood as social struggles expressions that are constantly updated and redefined, so that, in the analyzed events case, due to the correlation of forces, the results walked towards an ideological polarization. In São Luis city, for example, the political actions that fallowed the June Manifestations which tried to ensure a more progressive agenda, were gradually ceasing. Equally problematic was the fact that some militants from that period turned into support for conservative or reactionary social movements ideological perspective, promoted by the media propaganda, intensely active throughout the process. Thus, it is clear that this politic scenario is not purely local or national, but a process developed internationally which demonstrates that recent global and Brazilian manifestations are structural social struggles updated constantly. / A pesquisa analisa os aspectos políticos das Manifestações de Junho de 2013 na cidade de São Luís, a partir do contexto da recente crise econômica de 2008 e na relação com a ação política das classes sociais e com o papel do Estado enquanto fator de coesão dos interesses das classes dominantes. Destaca-se o processo de organização, as ações e reações dos diversos grupos/movimentos sociais participantes das Manifestações de Junho de 2013 e as respostas do Estado às reivindicações presentes nessas manifestações. Nessa pesquisa foram utilizadas diversas técnicas de investigação como pesquisa documental em fontes originais ou de “primeira mão” (Leis, Projetos de Lei, Decretos, pronunciamentos de gestores, parlamentares e ativista, jornais e registros policiais), entrevistas com militantes e análise do conteúdo dos sites que convocavam os protestos. A fundamentação teórica teve como eixo de análise as categorias de movimentos sociais, lutas sociais, Estado, classes sociais e crise econômica. Considero que as crises econômicas são inerentes ao sistema capitalista e, diante delas, as lutas sociais acirram-se, exigindo que a classe trabalhadora se organize em grupos ou movimentos sociais para realizar protestos de resistência a esse cenário adverso. Desse modo, as recentes manifestações globais e as Manifestações de Junho de 2013 devem ser compreendidas como expressões das lutas sociais que se atualizam e se redefinem constantemente, tanto que no caso das manifestações analisadas devido à correlação de forças seus resultados caminharam para uma polarização ideológica. Em São Luís, por exemplo, as ações políticas que deram continuidade às Manifestações de Junho e tentaram garantir uma pauta mais progressista, aos poucos foram cessando. Igualmente problemático foi o fato de alguns militantes desse período se transformarem em sustentação para movimentos sociais de perspectiva ideológica conservadora ou reacionária, promovidos pela força da propaganda dos meios de comunicação, intensamente ativos em todo o processo. Assim, percebe-se que não se trata de um panorama político exclusivamente local ou nacional, mas de um processo que se desenvolve internacionalmente evidenciando que as recentes manifestações globais e brasileiras são lutas sociais estruturais que se atualizam constantemente.

This study examines the relationship between social class and adolescents conceptions of work. Four major areas of the adolescent's work experience are examined: (1) tasks and training, (2) relations with co-workers and managers, (3) organizational structure and change, and (4) family life and work. Forty female adolescent, nonmanagerial employees who worked part time at McDonald's franchise stores were interviewed.

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Based on the author's Thesis (doctoral--Oxford). / Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references and index.

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This dissertation consists of four separate papers. Paper 1: Will Privatization Reduce Costs? I develop a model of public sector contracting. In this model, an agent can put effort into increasing the quality of a service or reducing costs. Being residual claimants, private owners have stronger incentives to cut costs than public employees. However, if quality cannot be perfectly measured, providing a private firm with incentives to improve quality forces the owner of the firm to bear risk. As a result, private firms will always be cheaper for low levels of quality but might be more expensive for high levels of quality. Paper 2: When Does Privatization Reduce Costs and Improve Quality? Theory and Evidence from Service Contracting I develop and test a model of service contracting in residential youth care. I find that private facilities have lower per-day cost of treatment for low levels of quality, but higher per-day cost for high levels of quality. Though public facilities generally have a higher level of quality, private facilities are relatively better at treating troublesome teenagers. Treatment periods are much longer under private provision, implying that the average total cost of treatment is twice as high in the private sector. Paper 3: Identity and Redistribution (co-author Robert Östling) This paper models the interaction between individuals' identity choices and redistribution. Both redistributive polices and identity choices are endogenous, and there might be multiple equilibria. The model is applied to ethnicity and social class. Paper 4: Political Polarization and Economic Performance (co-author Robert Östling) We study the effect of political polarization on economic performance using the dispersion of self-reported political preferences as our measure of polarization. We find that politically polarized countries are poorer and have smaller and inferior governments. / <p>Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2007 viii, s. 3-9: sammanfattning, s. 13-203: 4 uppsatser</p>

The everyday life of people on the street has not received the attention it deserves in the history of late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Quebec. This dissertation joins a small number of recent studies which redress this omission. It makes a significant contribution to existing examinations of North American cities and Canadian social history through the use of categories which are rarely employed and questions that are seldom posed in investigations of working-class history during the period of industrialization. A holistic treatment of Marxist philosophy provides the theoretical underpinnings for a sensitive engagement with daily street life in an urban milieu. As a site of intense sociability, Notre-Dame Street, the main street of the industrial suburb of Saint-Henri, offers a unique perspective on the intricate use of public space and its relations to social space. This thesis covers the period between the years of town incorporation in 1875 and annexation to the City of Montreal in 1905. / Notre-Dame Street underwent significant transformations in this period. A main street of a small town on the outskirts of Montreal became the principal commercial street of a bustling industrial city. The 1890s was a decade of particularly marked shifts, characterized by significant population growth and dramatic changes in physical form. Class and ethnic tensions intensified as a result. A 1891 labour dispute at Merchants Manufacturing, a textile factory, took to the streets, and the local elite contested George A. Drummond's refusal to pay municipal taxes in 1897. Resistance to monopoly control of utilities was evidenced by the use of petitions and protets or notarized letters. Workers' parties, journalists, and municipal reform leagues increasingly challenged the hegemony of the local elite whose persistent practices of overspending resulted in a substantial debt and annexation. / The study of a local street in an industrializing community demonstrates the prevailing social and political distribution of wealth and power. It reveals significant differences between the various class ideologies which were played out in the management of the public space of the street. An economic liberal ideology was instrumental to the development of the modern Western city through the creation of divisions between public and private spaces. Social usage, the visible presence of the working and marginal classes and women on city streets, suggests a different reality. A reconstruction of daily street life from a diversity of written and visual sources indicates that women, men, and children inhabited and frequented homes, shops, and offices, travelling to and from work, and various places of recreation. The rhythm of everyday street life was punctuated by unusual events of a celebratory, criminal, and tragic nature, which emphasize the connections between spatial structures and subjective experience. / The local management of public space thus involved class antagonisms, characterized by negotiation, transgression, and resistance. This dissertation argues that the politics of this public space benefited the class interests of a grande bourgeoisie of Montreal and a local petite bourgeoisie, to the detriment of the working classes. These conflicting class interests were played out in a variety of different ways. The exclusion and appropriation of social and symbolic spaces were characterized by distinct property ownership and rental patterns. An anglophone grande bourgeoisie of Montreal owned vacant and subdivided lots. A francophone petite bourgeoisie dominated property ownership, and a majority of renters lived in flats on the main street and on adjoining streets. The shaping of the physical infrastructure was distinguished by the growth of monopolies and minimal local intervention. The civic manifestation of the ordered and ritualistic celebration of the parade emphasized a Catholic identity. Attempts to impose an appropriate and genteel code of behaviour on city streets led to the moral regulation and social control of criminal behaviour.

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