This thesis analyzes gamble gaming, bets and lottery in the Czech Republic. Historic context of hazzard and view of economic theory and the game theory is described in details. This thesis deals with the economic, social and legislative impacts of gamble gaming and bets. Current changes and issues are analyzed in depth, there are also views of the particular subjects included within this analyze. The thesis proves via argumentation the inadequacy of the current legislative framework in the field of gambling and predicts what possible consequences the extensive legislative changes may bring. The Thesis studies the approach of former works dealing with the subject and methods of hazzard social expenses quantification. Current environment of gambling is analyzed on the country level as well as on the municipal level (As an example town Třešť and Jihlava were chosen).

Gambling is a complicated topic not only because of its addictive features but it requires knowledge of medical, social and economic field. The current public discussion about new gambling law is moreover disturbed by false arguments and manipulations coming from activists. In the first part of this thesis I focused on paper (PCP, 2014): Socio-economic costs of gambling in Czech Republic, which is considered to be a cornerstone of new gambling law. I reviewed its way of data transfering and its presumptions and found out that the original amount of the costs were overvalued by 120 %. I also analysed the impacts of proposed measures, which have been prepared by the Treasury, the main regulator of gambling market. Measures are presented as harm reducing, but they will subvert the industry instead. In the third section I consider the threats and costs of electronic gaming machines prohibition, which had been introduced in some municipalities. The data analysis as well as field research did not validate the positive effects of EGM ban presented by anti-gambling activists. In final chapter I'm following less common approach to gambling not as a threat but as an opportunity and trying to evaluate the potential of gamblers from Germany and Austria, who are the frequent visitors of casinos at the czech side of the borders.

Diploma thesis "Taxation of spirits in the Czech Republic and in the world" is focused on taxation of this comodity, legislative regulation and description of effects on society. This work is divided into four main chapters. The first two of them describe laws related to taxation of sprits. The main purpose of this section is to focus on the law of the Czech Republic and also on the regulation of the European Union, because the EU regulation has high influence on our country. Apart from those parts this section also contains history of excise duties in our country.The second chapter is oriented on tax and economy theories of excises. After that follows the second half of the work, where I am aiming on costs and revenues in relation with spirits (alcohol in general). The third chapter will describe the method of calculation of costs arising from consumption of alcoholic beverages based on standards of World Health Organisation. At the end of this section social costs concerning consumption of alcohol will be quantified and also compared on international basis. The last chapter will be about revenues from spirits excise duty and I will focus on significance of this tax in the Czech Republic and other OECD countries, tax rates of spirits and in conclusion I am going to find out, if a relation between tax rate size and amount of revenues from spirits excise exists.

No description available.

A Política de Garantia de Preços Mínimos (PGPM) no Brasil foi inaugurada oficialmente em 1966, com os objetivos de reduzir a instabilidade dos preços agrícolas, assegurar uma renda mínima aos produtores e garantir o abastecimento interno de alimentos. Tratava-se de uma política de caráter universal, no sentido de que qualquer produtor poderia vender a sua produção ao Governo Federal, desde que este último tivesse recursos suficientes para adquiri-la. O governo utilizava-se, até meados da década de 1990, dos instrumentos de intervenção ampla no mercado, as Aquisições do Governo Federal (AGF) e os Empréstimos do Governo Federal (EGF). Com a crise fiscal do Estado nos anos 1980 e as mudanças estruturais liberalizantes da década de 1990, a intervenção governamental reduziu-se gradativamente. No que se refere à ação do governo por meio da PGPM, foram criados instrumentos de apoio à comercialização, cujos subsídios foram reduzidos em relação aos anteriores e levaram à redução de estoques públicos. No Plano de Safra 1996-1997, o governo adicionou aos instrumentos tradicionais de operacionalização da PGPM o Prêmio para Escoamento de Produto (PEP) e o Contrato de Opção de Venda de Produtos Agrícolas (COVPA). Em 2004, foram criados os Contratos Privados de Opção de Venda e Prêmio de Risco de Opção Privada (PROP) e, em 2006, o governo criou o Prêmio Equalizador Pago ao Produtor (PEPRO). Simultaneamente, os instrumentos de operacionalização da PGPM de caráter universal voltaram-se à agricultura familiar, a partir da criação do Plano Safra da Agricultura Familiar, pelo MDA, em 2003. Tomando como base a exposição acima, o objetivo geral desta tese é analisar a política de garantia de preços mínimos no Brasil, no período de 1987 a 2013, ressaltando os instrumentos de execução da PGPM e os seus custos sociais e orçamentários. A escolha desse período devese às grandes mudanças ocorridas na PGPM e à disponibilidade de dados para os cálculos a serem realizados. Especificamente, procurou-se avaliar a influência dos grupos de interesse no redirecionamento da política brasileira de preços no período democrático, bem como quantificar os custos sociais e orçamentários envolvidos na operacionalização dos instrumentos tradicionais (AGF) e dos novos instrumentos, criados a partir de 1996/1997. Para atender aos objetivos propostos, conjugou-se um referencial de economia política para o estudo dos grupos de interesse e dos seus recursos de poder e o referencial da microeconomia para a avaliação dos custos sociais das diferentes políticas de preços agrícolas. Verificou-se que a atuação dos distintos grupos de interesse resultou na dissociação entre os instrumentos de política de garantia de preços voltados à agricultura familiar e não familiar, nos planos de safra e nos ministérios que atendem aos pleitos de cada grupo. No que se refere aos custos sociais e orçamentários da PGPM, verificou-se que a política de compra de excedentes é a mais custosa, seguida pela política de seguro de preços e pela subvenção ao preço para o produtor. / The Minimum Price Guarantee Policy (PGPM) in Brazil was officially started in 1966 with the objective of reducing the volatility of agricultural prices, ensure a minimum income to producers and secure food supply. It was a universal policy, in the sense that any producer could sell their produce to the federal government, since the latter had sufficient resources to acquire it. Until the mid-1990s the government used broad market intervention tools, the Federal Government Acquisitions (AGF) and the Federal Government Loans (EGF). With the fiscal crisis in the 1980s and the liberalizing structural changes of the 1990s, government intervention was reduced gradually. With regard to government action through PGPM, marketing support instruments were created which led to lower subsidies and to the reduction of public stocks. In Harvest Plan 1996-1997, the government added to the traditional instruments of operationalization of the PGPM the Award for Product Flow (PEP) and the Agricultural Products Put Option (COVPA). In 2004, the Private Put Option and Private Option Risk Premium were created (PROP), and in 2006 the government created the Equalizing Premium Paid to Producer (PEPRO). At the same time the instruments of implementation of universal nature of PGPM turned to family farming, since the creation of the Family Agriculture Harvest Plan by the Ministry of Agrarian Development (MDA) in 2003. Based on the above exposure, the overall objective of this thesis is to analyze the minimum price guarantee policy in Brazil, from 1987 to 2013, highlighting the implementation instruments of PGPM and its social and budgetary costs. The choice of this period is due to the large changes in PGPM and the availability of data for the calculations to be performed. Specifically, we sought to evaluate the influence of interest groups in redirecting the Brazilian pricing policy in the democratic period (1988 onwards) and to quantify the social and budgetary costs involved in the operation of traditional instruments (AGF) and the new instruments created from 1996/1997. To meet the proposed objectives, we used both the political economy framework for the study of interest groups and power resources of these groups and the microeconomics framework for assessing the social costs of different agricultural pricing policies. It was found that the performance of the various interest groups resulted in the decoupling of the price guarantee policy instruments aimed at family farming and not family farming, as well as of the harvest plans and ministries that meet the claims of each group. With regard to social and budgetary costs of PGPM, it was found that the surplus purchasing policy is the most expensive, followed by price insurance policy and by the price subvention to producer.

A Política de Garantia de Preços Mínimos (PGPM) no Brasil foi inaugurada oficialmente em 1966, com os objetivos de reduzir a instabilidade dos preços agrícolas, assegurar uma renda mínima aos produtores e garantir o abastecimento interno de alimentos. Tratava-se de uma política de caráter universal, no sentido de que qualquer produtor poderia vender a sua produção ao Governo Federal, desde que este último tivesse recursos suficientes para adquiri-la. O governo utilizava-se, até meados da década de 1990, dos instrumentos de intervenção ampla no mercado, as Aquisições do Governo Federal (AGF) e os Empréstimos do Governo Federal (EGF). Com a crise fiscal do Estado nos anos 1980 e as mudanças estruturais liberalizantes da década de 1990, a intervenção governamental reduziu-se gradativamente. No que se refere à ação do governo por meio da PGPM, foram criados instrumentos de apoio à comercialização, cujos subsídios foram reduzidos em relação aos anteriores e levaram à redução de estoques públicos. No Plano de Safra 1996-1997, o governo adicionou aos instrumentos tradicionais de operacionalização da PGPM o Prêmio para Escoamento de Produto (PEP) e o Contrato de Opção de Venda de Produtos Agrícolas (COVPA). Em 2004, foram criados os Contratos Privados de Opção de Venda e Prêmio de Risco de Opção Privada (PROP) e, em 2006, o governo criou o Prêmio Equalizador Pago ao Produtor (PEPRO). Simultaneamente, os instrumentos de operacionalização da PGPM de caráter universal voltaram-se à agricultura familiar, a partir da criação do Plano Safra da Agricultura Familiar, pelo MDA, em 2003. Tomando como base a exposição acima, o objetivo geral desta tese é analisar a política de garantia de preços mínimos no Brasil, no período de 1987 a 2013, ressaltando os instrumentos de execução da PGPM e os seus custos sociais e orçamentários. A escolha desse período devese às grandes mudanças ocorridas na PGPM e à disponibilidade de dados para os cálculos a serem realizados. Especificamente, procurou-se avaliar a influência dos grupos de interesse no redirecionamento da política brasileira de preços no período democrático, bem como quantificar os custos sociais e orçamentários envolvidos na operacionalização dos instrumentos tradicionais (AGF) e dos novos instrumentos, criados a partir de 1996/1997. Para atender aos objetivos propostos, conjugou-se um referencial de economia política para o estudo dos grupos de interesse e dos seus recursos de poder e o referencial da microeconomia para a avaliação dos custos sociais das diferentes políticas de preços agrícolas. Verificou-se que a atuação dos distintos grupos de interesse resultou na dissociação entre os instrumentos de política de garantia de preços voltados à agricultura familiar e não familiar, nos planos de safra e nos ministérios que atendem aos pleitos de cada grupo. No que se refere aos custos sociais e orçamentários da PGPM, verificou-se que a política de compra de excedentes é a mais custosa, seguida pela política de seguro de preços e pela subvenção ao preço para o produtor. / The Minimum Price Guarantee Policy (PGPM) in Brazil was officially started in 1966 with the objective of reducing the volatility of agricultural prices, ensure a minimum income to producers and secure food supply. It was a universal policy, in the sense that any producer could sell their produce to the federal government, since the latter had sufficient resources to acquire it. Until the mid-1990s the government used broad market intervention tools, the Federal Government Acquisitions (AGF) and the Federal Government Loans (EGF). With the fiscal crisis in the 1980s and the liberalizing structural changes of the 1990s, government intervention was reduced gradually. With regard to government action through PGPM, marketing support instruments were created which led to lower subsidies and to the reduction of public stocks. In Harvest Plan 1996-1997, the government added to the traditional instruments of operationalization of the PGPM the Award for Product Flow (PEP) and the Agricultural Products Put Option (COVPA). In 2004, the Private Put Option and Private Option Risk Premium were created (PROP), and in 2006 the government created the Equalizing Premium Paid to Producer (PEPRO). At the same time the instruments of implementation of universal nature of PGPM turned to family farming, since the creation of the Family Agriculture Harvest Plan by the Ministry of Agrarian Development (MDA) in 2003. Based on the above exposure, the overall objective of this thesis is to analyze the minimum price guarantee policy in Brazil, from 1987 to 2013, highlighting the implementation instruments of PGPM and its social and budgetary costs. The choice of this period is due to the large changes in PGPM and the availability of data for the calculations to be performed. Specifically, we sought to evaluate the influence of interest groups in redirecting the Brazilian pricing policy in the democratic period (1988 onwards) and to quantify the social and budgetary costs involved in the operation of traditional instruments (AGF) and the new instruments created from 1996/1997. To meet the proposed objectives, we used both the political economy framework for the study of interest groups and power resources of these groups and the microeconomics framework for assessing the social costs of different agricultural pricing policies. It was found that the performance of the various interest groups resulted in the decoupling of the price guarantee policy instruments aimed at family farming and not family farming, as well as of the harvest plans and ministries that meet the claims of each group. With regard to social and budgetary costs of PGPM, it was found that the surplus purchasing policy is the most expensive, followed by price insurance policy and by the price subvention to producer.

This study researches the past, present and future role of ports, specifically the Ports of Tampa and Hamburg linked to their cities. It examines the legal structures of port authorities which play a major role in their economic priorities and impact their cities’ social, environmental and cultural quality of life. From a humanistic perspective, one can look at a port as a place or space. By animating ports, they may provide “ fields of care” over time, and a home with character for the region’s residents. In this case, their success needs to transcend economics, adding qualitative attributes to the region, such as clean air, water, good working conditions, adequate housing, public transportation, recreational provisions, public waterfront access and more. The Port of Tampa’s corporate style and largely state controlled management team prioritized diversification. As a result, the port essentially remained a feeder port. It depends on shipping phosphate (a non renewable resource), fertilizer, scrap metal, petroleum and other general cargo commodities. The port serves main (hub) and container ports which are more lucrative and environmentally less challenging. The Port of Hamburg, on the other hand, controlled by an elected local Senate, became a container hub port early on, and planned its future accordingly. Tampa’s traditional housing around the port was dissected; shopping, service and recreational areas around Tampa’s city core deteriorated, when Interstates 275, 4 and the Cross Town Expressway were constructed. Suburbs in rural areas were developed with little regard for public transportation infrastructure, recreation facilities, and pedestrian and bike paths. Most of Tampa’s waterfront, owned by its Port Authority, is leased out and fenced off to the public access. Redeveloped expensive and mostly empty downtown gentrified residences face parking garages, oil tanks, phosphate stags and scrap yards. Much of Harbor Island, close to downtown, is gated and gentrified. The Port of Hamburg, in contrast to the Port of Tampa, redeveloped an uninhabited warehouse region of its Port, named it Hafen City, thereby adding 40 percent to the core of the city. This cohesive theme is in the process of providing jobs, housing, public waterfront access, shopping, green spaces, museums a concert hall, a theater and more. Light-rail, subways trams, buses, pedestrian and bike paths link the Hafen City to the traditional city center. Hamburg’s waterfront remains open to the public by law. A comparison of both port cities shows that the Port of Tampa’s largely state controlled corporate style management team prioritizes short term economic results over an extended future planning at the expense of the region’s social, cultural and environmental climate. The Port of Hamburg’s management team, installed by the locally elected Senate, promotes the City’s economic, social, cultural and environmental quality. The above findings, suggest that developments of ports and their cities under democratically elected governments may produce various qualitative outcomes depending on the demand and supply curve of their residents’ input.

The thesis explores how monetisation of corporate externalities, can be carried out in order to provide investors, policy makers and consumers with accurate pictures of the true costs and benefits of business operations from a resilience and ecosystem services perspective. By drawing conclusions from company cases, and previous research – methods, drivers and monetary values of impacts such as carbon dioxide, water usage, pollutants and land use are analysed. The findings reflect opportunities that open up with monetisation, in terms of tools for guidance and support in internal corporate decision making, by making the actual impacts visualised and understandable. Findings from company cases, show that monetisation of corporate effects has potential to contribute to visualising impacts – and add knowledge that may close information gaps internally as well as externally. It can guide and facilitate strategic choices at corporate level. It may also have a role in bridging information asymmetries in the picture of a firm’s operation, to consumers and investors. Monetising effects may facilitate identification of risks arising from ecosystem services dependencies, visualising the actual impacts by, assed costs in losses in ecosystems’ production (yields e.g.) caused by corporate harm.Providing relevant information to policy makers, on obstacles and where regulative incentives are needed, and investors and consumers with guidance, monetisation of impacts potentially can play a part in bridging market information gaps toward better incentive structures and possibly facilitating effective market transformation in favor of sustainable production and consumption patterns.

This thesis examines the impact of the concept of ecosystem services in the evaluation of the social costs and benefits of urban watercourse revitalization. Its possible use is shown on the specific selected project. The theoretical part explains the economic substance of ecosystem services, defines related terms, introduces different approaches of various economic schools to the concept and describes its historical development. The practical part then quantifies the net social benefits and costs of the selected project using cost- benefit analysis extended by the concept of ecosystem services. In the conclusion, the objective indicators are calculated and analysed in order to identify the strengths and weeknesses of using the concept of ecosystem services.

Drug trade is a part of non-observed economy in the system of national accounts. Estimations of drug trade were made from demand side based on estimation of drug consumption. This needs estimations of drug users, which was possible to estimate from drug use prevalence in last year. Several surveys done in society were the data source. Other information from the surveys was information about frequency of drug use. Several research studies gave information about consumed drug quantity by one opportunity. Police and customs have a common database about drug seizures. The database is source for information about import and export of drugs, drug purities by production or import and by consumption or export. Police reports drug prices also. The physical indicators of the drug trade are recalculated by wholesale and retail prices into financial indicators, which are possible to record into system of national accounts.