Analyzing the political, legal, and cultural outcomes of the protests against the 2017 G20 Summit in Hamburg (the NoG20 protests), this thesis departs from the observation that violent protests may produce outcomes that seem counterintuitive at first sight. After the NoG20 protests, Hamburg’s government introduced a police identification statute that required officers to wear individually assigned codes during riot police operations. This was intended to make police more accountable to the public by allowing recognition of specific officers in cases of alleged misbehavior. This policy change seemed surprising, given that the heavy escalations of violence that characterized the protests were primarily attributed to the NoG20 activists, rather than to police. This thesis examines this seeming paradox from three different perspectives: first, from a policy-process perspective that reconstructs the decision in its temporal context; second, from a legal perspective that focuses on the interplay of political decision-making and judicial review of the occurrences; and third, from a discourse-oriented perspective that analyzes changes in the discursive opportunity structure associated with the NoG20 protests. The overall analysis indicates that protests may have multiple outcomes that a) may be interlinked, b) may both constrain and enable collective and legislative action, c) may be unintended by both collective and institutional actors, and d) should be analyzed in their historical context, as they may be the result of processes that began well before a given protest. This thesis finds that the decision to introduce a police identification statute was the outcome of a complex meaning-making process—a series of “struggles over credibility” between state authorities and NoG20 activists as well as their supporters that were played out in various arenas, including parliament, the media, and the courts. The findings suggest that rather than “triggering” change or adding entirely new topics to decision-makers’ agendas, the NoG20 protests functioned as a “focusing event,” a “catalyst” for change, intervening in ongoing, long-term processes. In terms of methodology, this thesis contributes to the literature by demonstrating that a processual approach that pays particular attention to temporal sequence and the dynamic interactions among collective actors and other actors can help to address one of the major challenges of outcome research—to establish a link between collective action and an observed outcome. On the conceptual level, the thesis contributes to the literature in several ways. First, it demonstrates that moving beyond the “success” or “failure” understanding that is particularly dominant in policy-related outcome research can help overcome some of the field’s shortcomings and broaden its analytical scope as it draws our attention to potentially new phenomena, including the unintended effects of collective action. Second, it benefits our understanding of the outcomes of both collective action—violent or not—and repression by viewing outcomes as “snapshots” (i.e., intermediate results of a process in which change is still underway). Finally, it potentially helps to resolve some of the inconsistencies inherent in particular research on the effects of repression by promoting understanding of the temporality inherent in state responses to collective action, whether they are legal or political.

No description available.

No description available.

In social science, reality is too frequently conceived of from the point of view of European or American white men. I intend to examine the perceived realities and world-view of a marginalized oppressed group, the Rastafarians. The contemporary social movement literature focuses heavily on framing processes, how movement members portray their grievances to potential sympathizers. Reggae music is the most popular vehicle for the Rastafarians to disperse their world-view. This study explores how reggae music serves certain social movement functions for the Rastafarian movement. I seek to show that reggae music is indeed political and draws heavily from Rastafarian ideology. I will perform a content analysis of the lyrics of reggae music and identify the diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing used by the reggae artists. / Master of Science

Este projeto insere-se no campo da sociologia do trabalho, procurando contribuir com a discussão acerca do presente e do futuro do sindicalismo, conectado aos estudos de revitalização sindical. O sindicalismo no setor público, particularmente após o final da década de 1980, desenvolve-se através da assunção de caráter sindical das associações de servidores públicos, da influência do novo sindicalismo sobre as classes médias e do ambiente político das lutas pela democratização do Brasil pós-ditadura. Assim formou-se Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre (SIMPA), objeto empírico do presente trabalho, o primeiro sindicato de municipários legalizado no Brasil. As temáticas em torno das reformas e da persistência da estrutura sindical, em um contexto de terceirizações na administração pública, assim como a consideração por boa parte da literatura de que o movimento sindical passa por uma crise instiga à investigação das ações sindicais confrontadas à discussão da suposta crise ou declínio. Através de um estudo de caso estendido, analisamos a emergência de novas práticas sindicais, buscando, no resgate das experiências do SIMPA, conexões com o que alguns autores têm chamado de ―sindicalismo de movimento social‖, no que tange à relação do sindicalismo clássico com os novos protestos e movimentos que tem surgido em nossos tempos. / This project, developed in the field of Sociology of Work, aims to cooperate with the discussion about the current and future unionism, connected to the Labour Revitalization Studies. Syndicalism in public sector, especially in the end of 1980‘s, was developed with the assumption of the union character of the civil servants trade unions, also with the influence of the new unionism over middle classes and the policy environment of the struggles for democratization in Brazil after dictatorship. That‘s how it was formed SIMPA, a union trade of civil servants of Porto Alegre City, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil. SIMPA was the first union trade of municipal workers legalized in the country, and it is the empirical object of this research. Themes such as reforms and the persistence of the union structure, in a context of outsourcing in public administration, as well as the assumption for a large part of literature that union movement was passing through a crisis, are some elements that instigate the investigation of union actions face to the discussion of a supposed crisis or decline. With an Extended Case Method, we analyze the emergence of new unionism practices. Rescuing the experiences of SIMPA, we search for connections to with some authors have called ―Social Movement Unionism‖, about the relations between classical unionism and new demonstrations and movements that have been arising in our times.

Este projeto insere-se no campo da sociologia do trabalho, procurando contribuir com a discussão acerca do presente e do futuro do sindicalismo, conectado aos estudos de revitalização sindical. O sindicalismo no setor público, particularmente após o final da década de 1980, desenvolve-se através da assunção de caráter sindical das associações de servidores públicos, da influência do novo sindicalismo sobre as classes médias e do ambiente político das lutas pela democratização do Brasil pós-ditadura. Assim formou-se Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre (SIMPA), objeto empírico do presente trabalho, o primeiro sindicato de municipários legalizado no Brasil. As temáticas em torno das reformas e da persistência da estrutura sindical, em um contexto de terceirizações na administração pública, assim como a consideração por boa parte da literatura de que o movimento sindical passa por uma crise instiga à investigação das ações sindicais confrontadas à discussão da suposta crise ou declínio. Através de um estudo de caso estendido, analisamos a emergência de novas práticas sindicais, buscando, no resgate das experiências do SIMPA, conexões com o que alguns autores têm chamado de ―sindicalismo de movimento social‖, no que tange à relação do sindicalismo clássico com os novos protestos e movimentos que tem surgido em nossos tempos. / This project, developed in the field of Sociology of Work, aims to cooperate with the discussion about the current and future unionism, connected to the Labour Revitalization Studies. Syndicalism in public sector, especially in the end of 1980‘s, was developed with the assumption of the union character of the civil servants trade unions, also with the influence of the new unionism over middle classes and the policy environment of the struggles for democratization in Brazil after dictatorship. That‘s how it was formed SIMPA, a union trade of civil servants of Porto Alegre City, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil. SIMPA was the first union trade of municipal workers legalized in the country, and it is the empirical object of this research. Themes such as reforms and the persistence of the union structure, in a context of outsourcing in public administration, as well as the assumption for a large part of literature that union movement was passing through a crisis, are some elements that instigate the investigation of union actions face to the discussion of a supposed crisis or decline. With an Extended Case Method, we analyze the emergence of new unionism practices. Rescuing the experiences of SIMPA, we search for connections to with some authors have called ―Social Movement Unionism‖, about the relations between classical unionism and new demonstrations and movements that have been arising in our times.

Este projeto insere-se no campo da sociologia do trabalho, procurando contribuir com a discussão acerca do presente e do futuro do sindicalismo, conectado aos estudos de revitalização sindical. O sindicalismo no setor público, particularmente após o final da década de 1980, desenvolve-se através da assunção de caráter sindical das associações de servidores públicos, da influência do novo sindicalismo sobre as classes médias e do ambiente político das lutas pela democratização do Brasil pós-ditadura. Assim formou-se Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre (SIMPA), objeto empírico do presente trabalho, o primeiro sindicato de municipários legalizado no Brasil. As temáticas em torno das reformas e da persistência da estrutura sindical, em um contexto de terceirizações na administração pública, assim como a consideração por boa parte da literatura de que o movimento sindical passa por uma crise instiga à investigação das ações sindicais confrontadas à discussão da suposta crise ou declínio. Através de um estudo de caso estendido, analisamos a emergência de novas práticas sindicais, buscando, no resgate das experiências do SIMPA, conexões com o que alguns autores têm chamado de ―sindicalismo de movimento social‖, no que tange à relação do sindicalismo clássico com os novos protestos e movimentos que tem surgido em nossos tempos. / This project, developed in the field of Sociology of Work, aims to cooperate with the discussion about the current and future unionism, connected to the Labour Revitalization Studies. Syndicalism in public sector, especially in the end of 1980‘s, was developed with the assumption of the union character of the civil servants trade unions, also with the influence of the new unionism over middle classes and the policy environment of the struggles for democratization in Brazil after dictatorship. That‘s how it was formed SIMPA, a union trade of civil servants of Porto Alegre City, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil. SIMPA was the first union trade of municipal workers legalized in the country, and it is the empirical object of this research. Themes such as reforms and the persistence of the union structure, in a context of outsourcing in public administration, as well as the assumption for a large part of literature that union movement was passing through a crisis, are some elements that instigate the investigation of union actions face to the discussion of a supposed crisis or decline. With an Extended Case Method, we analyze the emergence of new unionism practices. Rescuing the experiences of SIMPA, we search for connections to with some authors have called ―Social Movement Unionism‖, about the relations between classical unionism and new demonstrations and movements that have been arising in our times.

American Evangelicalism is, indeed, “embattled and thriving,” as Smith et. al. (1998) have suggested, thriving precisely because it has remained in an embattled state as it cyclically seeks to establish itself as a counter to the dominant culture. However, over the last 40 years American Evangelicalism has become ingrained in the dominant culture and a new group of young Evangelicals are establishing themselves as the counter to that culture and thus defining themselves against Evangelicalism itself. Employing Smith’s (1998) “sub-cultural identity” theory of religious strength while drawing on interviews with movement leaders, members and published writings, the following research provides an overview of four social movements within Evangelicalism – Evangelical Environmentalism, social justice Christianity, the Emerging Church and New Monasticism – suggesting that these groups represent a social movement area seeking to draw a distinction in identity with American Evangelicalism. Then, drawing on over two hundred hours of in-depth interviews with 40 New Monastic leaders and community members, combined with analysis of the writings of New Monastic movement leaders, the research focuses in specifically on the identity-making activities of New Monasticism, examining the ways in which this movement seeks to influence beliefs, practices and conceptions of place within American Evangelicalism.

This thesis presents a rhetorical analysis of the Guerra del Gas movement in Bolivia from 2003 to 2005. It views the social movement and its major uprisings as emerging from a subaltern counterpublic that grounded its resistance in uniquely indigenous rhetoric. Chapter one provides a theoretical framework for understanding indigenous rhetoric as embodying a discourse of subaltern sensibilities and situating subaltern counterpublic theory within the historic-cultural situation of Bolivia to understand contemporary struggles over natural resources and against neoliberal politics within the country. The indigenous rhetoric of the Guerra del Gas movement provided a direct refutation of natural gas privatization and neoliberal hegemony. The second chapter is a case study that explores the indigenous rhetoric of the October 2003 and May-June 2005 uprisings that characterized the subaltern counterpublic sphere of the Guerra del Gas movement. In chapter three the theoretical frame of subaltern rhetoric is established to analyze Evo Morales’ inaugural address as an embodiment of a discourse of subaltern sensibilities. The conclusion chapter offers some directions for further research and considers how understanding indigenous rhetoric has implications for social struggle and organized resistance in a world of increasing globalization and neoliberal hegemonic policymaking. / text

Paraguay has a long history of foreign involvement in its rural economy, dating back to even before the War of the Triple Alliance in the 1880’s. Whether it was yerba mate production or timber extraction, Paraguay’s rural activities were largely funded and run by foreign interests, with little room for participation by smallholders. With the growth in production of Genetically Modified (GM) soy, Paraguay continues to follow the same model for development, one of export-oriented agriculture produced primarily with foreign capital. The expansion GM soy in San Pedro, Paraguay is meeting with considerable resistance, though, as smallholders and landless workers claim that the use of the broad spectrum herbicide, glyphosate, threatens their health, land and livelihoods. The contentious debate that has sprung up around this issue has polarized Paraguayan society and oversimplified the problems facing Paraguay’s rural development society. The over-politicization of the conflict has eliminated the space for nuance in finding solutions and room for dialogue. / text