This paper aims to explore how shifting federal, state, and individual priorities have transformed public higher education from a bastion of quality higher education for the greatest number of people to a more privatized state that only provides access and choice to those who can afford them. Decreased public support and state appropriations for public higher education schools have led many institutions to privatize themselves through increasing tuition prices and enrolling more out-of-state and international students who can afford to pay the full sticker price. At the same time, federal financial aid programs have become more and more geared towards assisting middle- and upper-income families, rather than focusing their efforts on removing financial barriers for low-income students. Combined, these two trends have manifested greater socioeconomic inequality for students with low-incomes; public higher education institutions are slowly turning their backs on those for whom federally funded public colleges and universities were built.

A partir de 1985, després d'un procés agut d'inflació i recessió, Bolívia assoleix estabilitzar l'economia i aconsegueix taxes de creixement promig de 3% anual, la disciplina fiscal i l'estabilitat constitueixen la base de les polítiques macroeconòmiques de l'Estat. No obstant això, no s'ha assolit arribar a taxes de creixement econòmic i mecanismes de distribució suficients per a revertir les condicions de pobresa i desigualtat subsistents en el país.Des dels anys 90, l'Estat ve realitzant accions per a alleujar la pobresa establint un marc de polítiques que reconeixen la importància dels factors polític-institucionals i socials en el desenvolupament de Bolívia. Es van iniciar reformes socials en les àrees d'educació, salut i sanejament bàsic emmarcades en els processos de participació popular i descentralització administrativa. El resultat d'aquestes accions va ser l'increment de la inversió social, que entre altres aspectes, va permetre ampliar la infraestructura social bàsica.Després de més de 20 anys de democràcia i reformes estructurals, Bolívia ha assolit importants avanços per a consolidar la institucionalitat i estabilitat econòmica. No obstant això, el procés de canvi no ha finalitzat i es requereix aprofundir les accions a favor d'una major equitat que permeti reduir els elevats nivells de pobresa que prevalen especialment en l'àrea rural.D'igual manera, el baix perfil de les exportacions bolivianes configura al país com un dels més endarrerits d'Amèrica Llatina, degut al fet que la indústria extractiva participa amb més del 70% en el PIB. Així, l'oferta exportable de Bolívia s'encasella en provisions de matèria primera i productes de baix valor afegit. El baix grau tecnològic assolit, l'escàs desenvolupament de la infraestructura física, el progressiu deteriorament de les bases productives, entre altres factors, configuren un escenari en el qual Bolívia no arriba a produir béns i serveis que satisfacin els mercats internacionals, d'una banda, ni els seus ciutadans gaudeixin d'un nivell de vida que mostri un creixement sostenible. En altres paraules, Bolívia no assoleix ser competitiva.A més a més, el 90% dels nous llocs de treball en les ciutats capitals ha estat absorbit per la microempresa amb menys de 10 treballadors i prop del 95% dels empleats en l'àrea rural. Aquest patró d'ocupació mostra que un important sector econòmic del país és caracteritzat per condicions precàries de treball, baixa productivitat i ocupacions informals. Avui, prop del 83% de la població ocupada treballa en microempreses però contribueix només amb un 24% del PIB.Per això, és urgent ampliar la base econòmica, per a això es necessita multiplicar nous actors competitius i diversificar els tipus de producte dintre d'un nou escenari d'inserció internacional, que articuli la plataforma exportadora amb l'economia popular i redistribueixi l'excedent, la producció i la riquesa de manera més equitativa.Aquest treball d'investigació parteix de les insuficiències econòmiques, però acaba parlant de la transformació social, cultural i política que pot acompanyar la transformació econòmica, més enllà de les riqueses i promeses que comporta l'explotació dels recursos naturals. / A partir de 1985, después de un proceso agudo de inflación y recesión, Bolivia logra estabilizar la economía y consigue tasas de crecimiento promedio de 3% anual, la disciplina fiscal y la estabilidad se constituyen en la base de las políticas macroeconómicas del Estado. Sin embargo, no se ha logrado alcanzar tasas de crecimiento económico y mecanismos de distribución suficientes para revertir las condiciones de pobreza y desigualdad subsistentes en el país.Desde los años 90, el Estado viene realizando acciones para aliviar la pobreza estableciendo un marco de políticas que reconocen la importancia de los factores político-institucionales y sociales en el desarrollo de Bolivia. Se iniciaron reformas sociales en las áreas de educación, salud y saneamiento básico enmarcadas en los procesos de participación popular y descentralización administrativa. El resultado de estas acciones fue el incremento de la inversión social, que entre otros aspectos, permitió ampliar la infraestructura social básica.Después de más de 20 años de democracia y reformas estructurales, Bolivia ha logrado importantes avances para consolidar la institucionalidad y estabilidad económica. Sin embargo, el proceso de cambio no ha finalizado y se requiere profundizar las acciones a favor de una mayor equidad que permita reducir los elevados niveles de pobreza que prevalecen especialmente en el área rural.De igual manera, el bajo perfil de las exportaciones bolivianas configura al país como uno de los más atrasados de América Latina, debido a que la industria extractiva participa con más del 70% en el PIB. Así, la oferta exportable de Bolivia se encasilla en provisiones de materia prima y productos de bajo valor añadido. El bajo grado tecnológico alcanzado, el escaso desarrollo de la infraestructura física, el progresivo deterioro de las bases productivas, entre otros factores, configuran un escenario en el que Bolivia no alcanza a producir bienes y servicios que satisfagan los mercados internacionales, por un lado, ni sus ciudadanos disfruten de un nivel de vida que muestre un crecimiento sostenible. En otras palabras, Bolivia no logra ser competitiva.A su vez, el 90% de los nuevos puestos de trabajo en las ciudades capitales ha sido absorbido por la microempresa con menos de 10 trabajadores y cerca del 95% de los empleados en el área rural. Este patrón de empleo muestra que un importante sector económico del país es caracterizado por condiciones precarias de trabajo, baja productividad y empleos informales. Hoy, cerca del 83% de la población ocupada trabaja en microempresas pero contribuye sólo con un 24% del PIB.Por ello, es urgente ampliar la base económica, para lo cual se necesita multiplicar nuevos actores competitivos y diversificar rubros productivos dentro de un nuevo escenario de inserción internacional, que articule la plataforma exportadora con la economía popular y redistribuya el excedente, la producción y la riqueza de manera más equitativa.Este trabajo de investigación parte de las insuficiencias económicas, pero termina hablando de la transformación social, cultural y política que debe y puede acompañar la transformación económica, más allá de las riquezas y promesas que encierra la explotación de los recursos naturales. / After an acute process of inflation and recession in the previous years of 1985, Bolivia managed a political economy in order to stabilize the economy and to obtain a rate of 3% annual average GDP growth. The fiscal discipline and the stability constituted two major goals of the macroeconomic policies. However, these policies have not allow for enough rates of growth in order to reduce rates of poverty and inequality in the country. From the 90's, Bolivia has been striving battles to alleviate the poverty by establishing a frame of policies that recognize the importance of the political-institutional and social factors in the development of Bolivia. Social reforms in the education areas, and health started within the framework of popular participation as well as administrative decentralization. The result of these actions was the increase of the social investment, which among other aspects allowed to extent some basic social services. After more than 20 years of structural democracy and reforms, Bolivia has managed important advances to consolidate institutionalism and economic stability. Nevertheless, the change process has not finalised and it is required to deepen the actions in favour of a greater fairness than it allows, reducing the high levels of poverty that prevail especially in the rural area. The low profile of the Bolivian exports is one of the lowest in Latin America, because the extractive industry participates with more than 70% in total exports. Thus the exportable supply of Bolivia is focused mainly in raw materials and basic products of low added value. The low technological level, the low development of the physical infrastructure, the progressive deterioration of the productive bases, among other factors, explain why Bolivia does not produce goods and services that satisfy the international markets. On the other hand, its citizens can not enjoy a standard of life according to a sustainable growth. The 90% of the new jobs in the capital cities have been absorbed by micro-companies with less than 10 employees and nearly 95% of the country's workforce is in the rural area. This tendency is characterized by precarious conditions of work, low productivity and informal employment. Today, almost 83% of the occupied population works in micro-companies but only contribute to 24% of the GDP. For this reason, it is urgent to extend the economic base, for which it is needed to multiply new competitive performers and diversify the economic structure oriented to be more competitive in international markets and allow to reach a reduction of poverty This research work leaves from the economic insufficiencies, but it ends up speaking of the social, cultural and political transformation that must and can accompany the economic transformation, beyond the wealth and promises from natural resources.

Context information brings new opportunities for efficient and effective applications and services on mobile devices. Many existing work exploit the context dependency of mobile usage for specific applications, and show significant, quantified, performance gains by utilizing context. In order to be practical, such works often pay careful attention to the energy and processing costs of context awareness while attempting to maintain reasonable accuracy. These works also have to deal with the challenges of multiple sources of context, which can lead to a sparse training data set. Even with the abundance of such work, quantifying context-dependency and the relationship between context-dependency and performance achievements remains an open problem, and solutions to manage the and challenges of context awareness remain ad-hoc. To this end, this dissertation methodologically quantifies and measures the context dependency of three principal types of mobile usage in a methodological, application agnostic yet practical manner. The three usages are the websites the user visits, the phone numbers they call, and the apps they use, either built-in or obtained by the user from the App Store . While this dissertation measures the context dependency of these three principal types of mobile usage, its methodology can be readily extended to other context-dependent mobile usage and system resources. This dissertation further presents SmartContext, a framework to systematically optimize the energy cost of context awareness by selecting among different context sources, while satisfying the system designer’s cost-accuracy tradeoffs. Finally, this thesis investigates the collective effect of social context on mobile usage, by separating and comparing LiveLab users based on their socioeconomic groups. The analysis and findings are based on usage and context traces collected in real-life settings from 24 iPhone users over a period of one year. This dissertation presents findings regarding the context dependency of three principal types of mobile usage; visited websites, phone calls, and app usage. The methodology and lessons presented here can be readily extended to other forms of context and context-dependent usage and resources. They guide the development of context aware systems, and highlight the challenges and expectations regarding the context dependency of mobile usage.

<p>The aim of this study is to discuss different motives behind the perceived transition from economic sanctions towards smart sanctions. The human rights aspect is also considered in the study, in terms of the wider humanism which is associated with smart sanctions. Does this relate to the fact that human rights have got an increased esteem in society, whereas economic, social and cultural rights be on equality with civil and political rights? Economic sanctions have been used extensively during the 1990s, both by the UN and by different regional organisations and countries. The hardest sanction regime has been imposed on Iraq. In this study, Iraq is used to highlight economic sanctions and the outcome is discussed in order to highlight the transition towards smart sanctions. Smart sanctions have been imposed three times till now, where Zimbabwe was the last example in February 2002. The effects of these sanctions are put in contradiction to Iraq, and the differences them between are discussed. Conclusions are that the ongoing transition and development towards smart sanctions have a multilateral character, where economic, efficiency, ideological, and humane motives areof considerable importance. The humane motives are of most significance for this development. Smart sanctions will continue to develop and be implemented, when international society find it necessary to maintain or restore peace or emphasise the existing rules or norms in the prevailing world. Despite the motives behind the transition towards smart sanctions, the dividing line between the two groups of human rights is still distinct. But due to new initiatives from both the UN and NGOs such as Amnesty International this dividing line is slowly starting to erase. It is not possible now to state that economic, social and cultural rights have got an increased esteem and be on equality with civil and political rights, but if the beginning consciousness is here to stay, it is likely to see an increased esteem in the near future.</p>

Diss. Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniv., 2009.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Umeå : Sveriges lantbruksuniversitet, 2010. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Stockholm : Karolinska institutet, 2010.

Socioekonomiska villkor under livsloppet påverkar ålderdomen på många olika sätt. Individer som haft en lägre socioekonomisk position löper bland annat en större risk att dö i förtid och drabbas av ohälsa. Syftet med studien är att studera människors livslopp med fokus på olika socioekonomiska villkor under uppväxt och livet fram till pensionen ur ett retrospektivt perspektiv. Kärnan i uppsatsen är att undersöka deltagarnas livslopp utifrån en historisk och individuell kontext och analysera hur den subjektiva upplevelsen av livskvalitet ser ut i ålderdomen. Studiens undersökningsdesign bygger på livsloppsintervjuer och kompletterande enkät. Deltagarna är födda under trettio och fyrtiotalet och samtliga är pensionärer. För att studera hur socioekonomiska villkor påverkar livet efter pensionen är det väsentligt att deltagarnas socioekonomiska positioner ser olika ut. Hälften av våra respondenter lever under sämre socioekonomiska villkor medan resterande har en mer fördelaktig social position i samhället. Uppsatsen tillämpar fem teoretiska perspektiv där alla har olika funktion i arbetets varierande delar. Teorierna tillsammans med internationell och nationell forskning har spelat en stor roll vid analysen av det insamlade materialet. Resultatet av studien visar att ett antal faktorer under livsloppet har påverkan på de äldres liv efter pensionen. Dessa faktorer är samhällelig och historisk kontext, socioekonomiska villkor under uppväxten, kön och klass. Upplevelsen av livskvalitet efter pensioneringen visar sig vara relativt lika hos samtliga respondenter.

This paper attempts to present and analyze problems that may arise from the use of Genetically Modified (GM) products and issues raised by the Intellectual Property (IP) rights that Genetic Engineering (GE) companies have on their products. Arguments in favor and against the existence of health risks and environmental risks of GM products are presented. The European policy of the socioeconomic effects of the GM products is discussed and is proposed the application of the precautionary principle for the prevention of unintended consequences from the GM products to other than health and environmental domains. The need of IP rights is supported, but is also suggested an IP rights flexibility. Do IP rights violate the rights of all people to a nourishing life, natural resources, the right to decide about what they eat and the right to live in a viable ecosystem? Finally, I provide an analysis of the effects on the farmers due to the IP rights on GM crop for cultivation and state dependency issues that may occur.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between mental illness and socioeconomic factors such as education, age and gender among drug users. Descriptive and ANOVA analysis were performed to 68 structured interviews (Addiction Severity Index basic). Analysis addressed associations between drug usage and level of education, age and gender. Results showed gender differences in self-rated mental health with women drug users rating their mental health lower than men. In addition, there was no association between age, educational level and self-rated mental health. Further studies are warranted to investigate mental health among drug users.