Thesis (Ph. D.)--New School for Social Research, 2003. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 302-331). Also available in electronic format on the World Wide Web. Access restricted to users affiliated with the licensed institutions.

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Este Relatório dá particular importância ao interaccionismo simbólico enquanto teoria explicativa de recorte inovador e precursora na explicitação dos mecanismos de dominação social. Concretamente, iremos dar particular ênfase à "importância da construção mediática dos problemas sociais", salientando que "ao dar uma visão necessariamente selectiva e ao privilegiar certas interpretações do acontecimento, a imprensa contribui para fabricar o sentido político-social desses movimentos com significações, ao mesmo tempo, superabundantes e ambíguas. No entanto, seria demasiado simples ver os jornalistas somente como "manipuladores" que fabricam, a seu gosto, os acontecimentos ao elaborarem resenhas enviesadas. Eles próprios são o objecto de estratégias de manipulação pelos diversos grupos sociais que organizam manifestações e procuram, através delas, atrair com maior ou menor sucesso a atenção dos jornalistas para terem a possibilidade de aparecer nos media" (Champagne e Outros, 1998:222). Esta opção de análise também permitirá discutir a aplicabilidade actual do interaccionismo simbólico, na medida em que tem vindo a ser retomado com alguma insistência no quadro da produção sociológica contemporânea. Assim, iremos fazer um exercício de aplicação aos bairros sociais da cidade do Porto com base na recolha sistemática de notícias de dois jornais diários. / This report gives particular importance to symbolic interactionism as a theory explaining clipping and innovative in the explanation of the mechanisms of social domination. Specifically, we will give particular emphasis to the "importance of the media construction of social problems", noting that "to give a necessarily selective and certain privileging interpretations of the event, the press helps to make sense of these political and social movements with meanings, at the same time, overabundant and ambiguous. However, it would be too simple to see only the journalists as "handlers" who manufacture, for your pleasure, the events draw to review biased. They are themselves the subject of manipulation strategies by various social groups that organize demonstrations and look through them, to attract more or less success to the attention of journalists to have a chance of appearing in the media "(Champagne and others, 1998:222). This analysis option also allows us to discuss the applicability of the symbolic interactionism in the context of contemporary sociological research. Thus, we will make an application to social habitation of Porto based on systematic collection of news from two daily newspapers.

Thèse--Lille. / Bibliography: p. 334-340.

Setting out from the works of Max Weber and Karl Polanyi, this chapter outlines a sociology of economic constitutionalism. The starting point is a functional definition of economic constitution as the law constituting the market order, no matter if it is public or private, national or international, official or informal law. Economic constitutionalism is understood as a system of thought, which emphasises the role of a liberal economic constitution in integrating the global economy. Adapting Weber's ideal-typical method, the economic constitution is conceived as a constitutional ideal type, next to juridical constitution, political constitution, social constitution, and security constitution. Sociologically speaking, these ideal types capture different constitutional rationalities, which are all culturally significant but not equally successful in the global age. Drawing on Polanyi's work, which exposes the self-regulating market as an artefact of economic thinking, the argument proceeds by highlighting the constitutive role of economics in constructing the law of the globalised market society. After economic law came to be embedded in national welfare states in the twentieth century, economic constitutionalism furthers the opening up of national laws and economies. In contrast to the rule of law, the rule of the market is inherently transnational in character.

The thesis "The coming crisis of czech sociology?" is talking about the current situation of czech sociology. In the last fifteen years there have been evident efects, which have a negative influnce on position of sociology in czech society. The first effect is the academic crisis (mass growth of university education). The second effect is the crisis of humanities (underrating of humanities). Also, there is an existence of specific developmental problem. These efects have desintegrative consequences on czech sociology, which contens with unprecedented growth of university students. Afterwards, these students are not able to find adequate job position in this field of study. This thesis talks about all these fenomens. In the first part, this thesis describes the enviroment of current state of czech sociology and puts emphasis on the above mentioned topics- problem situation of university education, uncertain position of humanities and complicated development of sociology as a science. The second part describes current situation of czech sociology. There is analysed, the masification of university educucation and its impact on sociological fields taught in six public academical departments. Also, there is a part talking about the growing number of sociologists- what will happen with them after their...

In the last decade stratification within educational results has, in Sweden as in other countries, been framed as a matter of boys’ and young men’s under-achievement. The question of whether this is a problem, and if so, for whom and how to change the structure, has been discussed in research and educational policy. The aim of the thesis is to contribute to these fields and to enhance knowledge of young people’s gendered and classed identity processes, by analyzing how achievement and engagement were negotiated and given meaning in relation to young men. Previous research has primarily explored identity processes among “risk categories” or subordinated students. The objective here was to analyze how masculinity was accomplished via peer-group interactions within a rarely problematized category, through examining how upper middle-class young men identify themselves and are ascribed identities by others. The study’s design was inspired by ethnographic methodology and combined participant observation, semi-structured individual and group interviews and a background questionnaire. Identities, social categorizations (especially gender and class) and dominance-relations were thus analyzed from an actor-oriented perspective. The research participants were young men and women, age 15-16, in two school classes. The field work was conducted at, respectively, a Natural Science and a Vehicle Programme; educational settings with connotations to masculinity but significantly different in terms of class. The study enrolled a total of fifty-six students, but focus is upon the fifteen young men among the natural science students.  High achievement and under-achievement, high social and cognitive ability, and group loyalty are main themes in the study. Identity claims were analyzed in relation to the practices through which they were negotiated, e.g. self-hindrance. Similar to other research, the results emphasize the relationship between masculinity and “effortless achievement”. The concept “under-achievement” is developed as an analytical tool, by distinguishing between five dimensions.

This dissertation investigates how different stakeholders have competed over the interpretation and commemoration of the Aum Affair. The Aum Affair was a series of crimes committed by new religious movement Aum Shinrikyō between 1988 and 1995, which culminated in the gassing of the Tokyo subway system using sarin in March 1995. The Tokyo attack was the largest act of terrorism in post-war Japan. I combine qualitative methods of media analysis, interviews, and participant observation to analyse how different stakeholders have narrated and commemorated the Aum Affair. I propose ‘collective trauma’ as a revised theory of ‘cultural trauma’ to describe an event which is represented as harmful and indelible to collective memory and identity. In contrast to ‘cultural trauma’, which stresses the importance of symbolic representations of traumatic events, ‘collective trauma’ considers other ‘material’ processes – such as establishing facts, collective action, state responses, and litigation – which also contribute to trauma construction. My overarching argument is that various stakeholders – including state authorities, mass media, public intellectuals, victims, and former Aum believers – have constructed the Aum Affair as a collective trauma in multiple and conflicting ways. Many media representations situated Aum as an evil ‘cult’ which ‘brainwashed’ believers and intended to take over Japan through terror. State authorities also responded by treating Aum as a dangerous terrorist group. In some instances, these binary representations of Japan locked in a struggle against an evil force led to municipal governments violating the civil rights of Aum believers. Some individuals such as public intellectuals and former believers have challenged this divisive view by treating Aum as a ‘religion’, not a ‘cult’, and locating the root causes of Aum’s growth in Japanese society. Additionally, victims and former members have pursued divergent goals such as retributive justice, financial reparations, and social reconciliation through their public actions. A key conclusion of this dissertation is that whilst confronting horrific acts of violence may require social construction of collective trauma using cultural codes of good and evil, the entrenchment of these symbolic categories can result in lasting social tension and division.

This thesis examines the lives and experiences of poor young women street sex workers in the city of Surabaya, Indonesia. This thesis focuses on sexual and reproductive health knowledge and practices; conditions of work; and experiences of discrimination, marginalization, and agency. Qualitative research methods, including participant observation techniques and multiple in-depth interviews, were used to gain a detailed understanding of these women’s lives. Results of this research indicate that these young women are severely marginalized through poverty, state ideologies, and public moralities. Their marginalized status leads them to experience poor health outcomes, physical violence, sexual violence, and police harassment. The concept of structural violence is used to describe how poverty and marginalization impact these young women’s health, everyday-lives, and life chances.

Queer-identified women in Canada and elsewhere are underserved as a community with regard to the provision of support for drug use related problems. In order to provide much needed inclusive support services, researchers, policy makers and treatment providers must recognize and act on the interface of oppression with substance use in populations of queer women. The homophobia and heterosexism endemic to our society is an issue that necessitates the exploration, development, and inclusion of responsive policies and services for queer women who seek - or desire to seek - support for problematic substance use. This research study explores the support needs of queer-identified women who experience difficulties as a result of drug use. Through qualitative, interview-based research, my inquiry examines responses to the question: What are the support needs of women who are impacted by the confluence of heteronormativity and problematic drug use? Data are derived from nine, semi-structured in-depth interviews with women in the Vancouver Island and Lower Mainland areas of British Columbia. The methodological framework incorporates a critical feminist approach. A thematic analysis technique was utilized to analyse the interviews, with data categorized into three primary themes of discrimination, resistance, and support. Findings indicate that queer women require distinct support services for problematic substance use issues in an effort to redress systemic heteronormativity.