The concern with the relevance of human rights to the socio-economic and political development in South Africa is of threefold account, namely human rights, socio-economic and political development, and South Africa. Human rights have been consistently applied as a common standard of achievement in the realisation that development cannot be implemented in pure economic terms only, but implies the 'duties of all people towards all other people. For rights only come into their own through practice, the interaction of socio-economic and political facts with values. The importance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of I 0 December 1948 is of primary account in this regard. This implies the right to development of all people as well as the classical meaning of equity. The main social function of human rights is to become essential ingredients in legal, political and social reality in each and every country. The socio-economic implementation of human rights in the entire world includes the facts and peculiarities of South Africa in the context of ethnic pluralism. This covers the unrealistic overtones of apartheid, the unabated pressure of the United Nations and the achievement of the new South Africa. There is a great difference between merely criticising and getting things done. An important issue is the sustainability of the RDP, with its emphasis on Mandela's linkage XI between human rights, the rule of law and economic prosperity. COSATU with its unrealistic trade unionism however, remains the chief stumbling block to the unfettered free market economies and investments which are required for genuine job creation. Short of this the RDP and GEAR, which have got off the ground, are in danger of collapse. It is recommended that the ANC should work towards a genuine multi-party democracy at a realistic level where honest criticism is respected. The universal implications of human rights require that people should not be protected overduly simply because they are black at the expense of others who simply happen to be white. Some people are not more equal than others merely by virtue of being white or black. / Political Science / D. Litt et Phil. (Politics)

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa’s transition to democracy has been hailed as exemplary in the field of conflict resolution and constitution-making. The negotiated settlement was expected to serve as a consensual constitutional framework boding well for the newly democratic regime, but by 2014 evidence was accumulating of an emerging dissensus on the South African Constitution. The literature on the South African transition does not anticipate this emerging constitutional dissensus, or address the possibility that the constitution meant different things to different stakeholders. While there was widespread endorsement of the ratification of the constitution, an apparent divergence has emerged about its meaning and what is stands for. Many studies addressed the process of constitutional negotiations and the outcome thereof, but few examine the meaning that the original negotiators invested into this outcome. The study aimed to address whether this dissensus was present during the negotiating process (1990 - 1996), and whether the negotiators’ agreement on the formal text of the constitution obscures fundamentally diverging interpretations. The study is in the form of a qualitative, descriptive case study. This study created a novel conceptual framework within which to classify diverse interpretations. Perceptions of negotiated compromises in deeply divided societies were conceptualised in the form of Constitutional Contracts, Social Contracts and Benchmark Agreements. Original negotiators’ views and opinions were analysed in order to identify dispositions reconcilable with each of the concepts identified. This framework proved significantly helpful in identifying whether the views of the negotiators were divergent – on several levels, differences between negotiators during the negotiating period came to the fore. It became evident from the findings that there were indeed present among the ranks of the negotiators of the South African Constitution diverging interpretations of this outcome. It became clear that certain interpretations were more easily categorised than others: while being able to locate the views of some negotiators within the concepts of Constitutional Contract or Social Contract, identifying those views congruent with the Benchmark Agreement proved more difficult. Also, some negotiators’ views can be located within one, two or all of the categories. It became evident that while negotiators may be categorised within all three concepts of the framework, their opinions are not necessarily specific to the indicators of one single concept. This study brought significant insight into several concepts, including the Social Contract in a changing society. The Social Contract is identifiable within a system that fosters process over institutions, with specific focus on the working of the electoral system. The Social Contract is vested in the political culture as opposed to in the written text, but the written text does facilitate these types of processes by entrenching mechanisms for ongoing negotiation and revision. However, while some of these mechanisms exist within the Constitution, it does not mean that they are effectively used. Characteristics associated with the Social Contract, such as flexibility and an inclusive process, tend to be associated with longer lasting constitutions. The question remains whether South Africans should be actively seeking to build a Social Contract, and whether a Constitutional Contract can evolve into a Social Contract. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika se oorgang na demokrasie word beskou as ‘n uitnemende voorbeeld in die veld van konflikoplossing en die skryf van grondwette. Daar is verwag dat die onderhandelde skikking sal dien as ‘n ooreengekome grondwetlike raamwerk vir die nuwe demokratiese regime, maar teen 2014 het bewyse begin akkumuleer van ‘n opkomende dissensus oor die grondwet. Die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgang antisipeer nie hierdie ontluikende grondwetlike dissensus nie, en spreek nie die moontlikheid aan dat die grondwet verskillende dinge vir verskillende rolspelers beteken nie. Alhoewel daar wydverspreide onderskrywing van die bekragtiging van die grondwet was, het daar ‘n klaarblyklike verdeeldheid na vore gekom oor wat die grondwet beteken, en waarvoor dit staan. Die proses van onderhandeling, sowel as die uitkoms in die formaat van die grondwet, is deur baie studies aangespreek, maar min ondersoek die betekenis wat die oorspronklike onderhandelaars in die uitkoms belê het. Dié studie is daarop gerig om ondersoek of hierdie onderliggende dissensus reeds tydens die onderhandelingsproses (1990 – 1996) teenwoordig was, en of die onderhandelaars se ooreenkoms oor die formele teks fundamenteel uiteenlopende interpretasies daarvan verberg. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe, beskrywende gevallestudie. ‘n Nuwe konseptuele raamwerk is ontwikkel waarbinne die diversiteit van opinie hieroor geklassifiseer kan word. Persepsies van onderhandelde kompromieë in diep verdeelde samelewings is gekonseptualiseer in die vorm van Grondwetlike Kontrakte, Sosiale Kontrakte en Maatstaf Ooreenkomste. Oorpsronklike onderhandelaars se standpunte en opinies is geanaliseer om gesindhede versoenbaar met elk van die konsepte te identifiseer. Hierdie raamwerk was nuttig om te identifiseer of die menings van die onderhandelaars uiteenlopend was. Verskille op verskeie vlakke het tussen die onderhandelaars tydens die onderhandelingstydperk na vore gekom. Dit is duidelik dat daar wel uiteenlopende interpretasies van hierdie uitkoms teenwoordig was binne die geledere van die onderhandelaars. Sekere interpretasies is makliker geklassifiseer as ander: die menings van sommige onderhandelaars kan as kongruent met die Grondwetlike Kontrak of die Sosiale Kontrak geidentifiseer word, maar dit was moeiliker om sienings ooreenstemmend met die Maatstaf Ooreenkoms te identifiseer. Sekere onderhandelaars se standpunte kan ook in een, twee of al drie kategorieë geplaas word. Dit het duidelik geword dat terwyl sekere onderhandelaars se opvattings binne al drie konsepte van die raamwerk geklassifiseer kan word, hul menings nie noodwendig spesifiek binne die aanwysers van 'n enkele konsep val nie. Hierdie studie het beduidende insig in verskeie konsepte gebied, insluitend die Sosiale Kontrak in 'n veranderende samelewing. Die Sosiale Kontrak is identifiseerbaar binne 'n stelsel wat die belangrikheid van proses oor instellings beklemtoon. Die Sosiale Kontrak berus in politieke kultuur, maar die geskrewe gondwetlike reëls fasiliteer hierdie tipe van prosesse deur die vestiging van meganismes vir voortgesette onderhandeling en hersiening. Hierdie verskynsel is tipies meer duidelik sienbaar in die werking van verskillende kiesstelsels. Alhoewel hierdie meganismes kan bestaan binne ‘n grondwet, beteken dit nie dat hulle doeltreffend gebruik word nie. Eienskappe wat verband hou met die Sosiale Kontrak, soos buigsaamheid en 'n inklusiewe proses, is geneig om verband te hou met 'n duursame en standhoudende grondwet. Die vraag bly staan of Suid-Afrikaners aktief op soek moet wees na die bou van ‘n Sosiale Kontrak, en of 'n Konstitusionele Kontrak kan ontwikkel om ‘n Sosiale Kontrak te vorm.

On cover: Degree of Master of Philosophy in Political Management. / Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Before a country can have democracy a consolidated democracy, democracy is a prerequisite. The term democracy can be traced back to ancient Greece and the studies of the consolidation of democracy dates since the transition of the seventies. The notion of democratic consolidation has been defined by authors as a process of making new democracies secure, deepening institutions and liberties and making them immune against the threat of authoritarian regression. But authors have also found that there are socioeconomic conditions favourable to consolidation such as sufficient affluence. This study compares Botswana and South Africa's democracy, the reason being to find out which is the most consolidated and why? To compare these two countries' democracies, the study focuses on the following; affluence, institutions suitable for democracy, free and fair elections and electoral systems. There are similarities and differences between these countries. They share British parliamentary traditions. Both practice multiparty elections but neither experienced turnovers, for example; Botswana started practicing from 1965 until now, while South Africa started in 1994. The major institutional difference is the electoral system. Their ratings in the human development indexes are declining, but South Africa scores better. The other major difference is in their Freedom House ratings, where South Africa's rating is better than Botswana's. The issue of HIV/AIDS infections remains a big problem for these countries. To what extent this would impact on democracy is uncertain as little research of this kind has been done. In concluding this study, it is explicitly stated that these countries are free electoral democracies but not consolidated yet, because they have not passed Huntington's "two turnover test", and their socio-economic conditions are also problematic. At this stage, however South Africa is slightly better off for the reasons cited above. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie is "n voorvereiste vir "n gekonsolideerde demokrasie. Hoewel die term demokrasie sy oorsprong het by die antieke Grieke dateer studies oor die konsolidasie van demokrasieë slegs terug na die sewentigerjare van die 20ste eeu. Demokratiese konsolidasie verwys na die proses waarvolgens nuwe demokrasieë na hul aanvanklike vestiging teen die gevaar van outoritêre verval beveilig word deur die daarstelling van demokratiese instellings en vryhede. Navorsing het bevind dat sekere sosio-ekonomiese faktore of omstandighede soos byvoorbeeld voldoende ekonomiese voorspoed die konsolidasie van jong demokrasieë bevorder. Die studie behels "n vergelyking van die demokrasieë van Suid-Afrika en Botswana ten opsigte van hulle graad van demokratiese konsolidasie en die redes daarvoor. Die studie fokus in die verband op aspekte soos: ekonomiese voorspoed, die demokratiese aard van hulle instellings, vrye en regverdige verkiesings en hulle kiesstelsels. Daar is beide ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee state. Beide is gesetel in die Britse parlementêre stelsel. Beide gebruik sedert hulle vestiging as demokrasieë veelparty vekiesings - Botswana sedert 1965 en Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die belangrikste institusionele verskil is in hulle kiesstelsels geleë. Hoewel die lande se klassifikasies beide in die indekse sowel as die verslae oor menslike ontwikkeling daal, vaar Suid-Afrika steeds beter as Botswana. Die duidelikste verskil is ten opsigte van hulle Freedom House klassifikasie. Die kwessie van MIVjVIGS-infeksies bly steeds "n belangrike probleem vir beide state. Vanweë die gebrek aan navorsing in die verband is dit onseker in watter mate die VIGS-kwessie demokrasie in die lande in die toekoms gaan beinvloed. Die gevolgtrekking van die tesis is dat hoewel beide state vrye demokrasieë is hulle nog nie as gekonsolideerde demokrasieë geklassifiseer kan word nie. Die gevolgtrekking is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op hulle problematiese sosioekonomiese omstandighede en die feit dat hulle nog nie Huntington se /I two turnover test" geslaag het nie. Suid-Afrika is egter op grond van die redes wat hierbo aangevoer is, tans beter as Botswana daaraan toe.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis addresses the financial cost implications incurred during elections, with special focus on South Africa. The discussion is conducted by way of comparing South Africa to countries like India, Australia, Israel and Mexico. Democracy entails more than merely conducting periodic elections that are free and fair, but it cannot be less. To a large extent free and fair elections are indicative of the governing authority's commitment to democracy. This commitment however, does have financial implications. A question that is very rarely addressed relates to the financial cost implications that accompany this commitment. For a country such as South Africa with a range of other pressing socio-economic issues, the cost factor with regard to the voting process is of vital importance. The South African electoral experience, in comparison to that of other developing countries, is presently a very costly undertaking at a conservative average cost of more than US $13.00 per vote. Depending on how the expenses are calculated, this figure takes on hefty proportions. To an extent the tardiness on the part of the South African Government in appointing the Electoral Commission to conduct the 1999 elections and the subsequent conflicts regarding the budgetary allocations to the Electoral Commission (EC) combined with poor electoral planning, resulted in the EC having to resort to very expensive technology in order to ensure that a free and fair election would be conducted on the date set by the President. Apart from addressing the above mentioned issues, relating to the cost expenditure during elections, the assignment also addresses possible ways to reduce these costs incurred. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis fokus op die finansiële uitgawes wat tydens verkiesings aangegaan word, met spesifieke verwysing na Suid-Afrika. Die bespreking geskied aan die hand van 'n vergelyking met lande soos Indië, Australië, Israel en Mexico. Demokrasie behels baie meer as net die hou van periodieke vrye en regverdige verkiesings, maar dit kan ook nie enigiets minder as dit behels nie. Vrye en regverdige verkiesings is tot 'n groot mate 'n bewys van 'n bepaalde regime se verbintenis tot die demokrasie. Hierdie verbintenis het egter finansiële implikasies vir 'n land. Die finansiële koste verbonde aan hierdie "verbintenis" is egter selde 'n punt van akademiese bespreking. Met die aantal sosio-ekonomiese vraagstukke waarmee die Suid-Afrikaanse regering op die oomblik gekonfronteeer word, is dit van kardinale belang dat dringende aandag geskenk word aan pogings om die koste-faktor van die verkiesingsproses so laag as moontlik te hou. In vergelyking met die gemiddelde koste wat verbonde is aan verkiesings in ander ontwikkelende lande, was die 1999 Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesing (teen sowat US $13,00 per kieser) 'n duur onderneming en afhangende van hoe die kostes bereken word, ontaard hierdie bedrag in 'n aardige een. Tot 'n groot mate was swak verkiesingsbeplanning die oorsaak dat daar tot duur tegnologie gewend moes om te verseker dat die verkiesing vry en regverdig verloop, soos op die datum wat deur die President bepaal is. Die laat aanwysing van die 1999 Verkiesingskommissie en die daaropvolgende konflik oor die verkiesingsbegroting, het ook bygedra tot die feit dat duur tegnologie ingespan moes word. Afgesien van bogenoemde aspekte, bespreek die tesis ook moontlike maniere om toekomstige verkiesings in Suid-Afrika teen 'n laer koste te hou.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 1976. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study the representation of the Coloured population group in the local evaluation process in South Africa until 1971, is analysecd to determine the effectiveness of this system of representation. In theory representatives selected in an open democratic election are supposed to act in the interest of the voters they represent, in a manner responsive to them. In this way the voters or citizens have access to and control over the decision-making centres of government, and are represented in the legislative structures of government. Representation can be analysed in two ways. / INLEIDING: Gedurende die periode 1960 - 1972 was die Kaapprovinsie die enigste provinsie binne die Republiek van Suid-Afrika waar Kleurlinge (en Indiërs) saam met Blankes deelgeneem het aan die plaaslike bestuursprosesse, sonder dat daar formeel ‘n rasse- of kleuronderskeid gemaak is tussen munisipale kiesers. Hierdie gesamentlike deelname het egter nie sonder "wrywing" plaasgevind nie, en dit was dan ook een van die redes vir die verwydering van die Kleurlingkiesers op 14 Januarie 1972 vanaf die gemeenskaplike munisipale kieserslys en die ontneming daardeur van hul direkte stemreg op die plaaslike bestuursvlak ten gunste van verteenwoordiging in sekere adviserende bestuurs- of raadplegende komitees vir Kleurlinge wat in ‘n ondergeskikte posisie teenoor die munisipale- of afdelingsraad in die betrokke plasslike owerheidsgebied verkeer.

Thesis(MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT; In order for the transformation objectives of racial and gender diversity to be adequately reflected in the South African medical profession, it is crucial to understand how Black medical registrars experience the training environment. This qualitative study presents the experience of ten Black African medical specialists who completed their registrar training in the Western Cape in the past five years. Using both thematic and discourse analysis the study aimed to identify and describe the interpersonal, structural and institutional factors that may impede or promote Black advancement during registrar training. Participant experiences where contextualised in relation to discourses around the medical profession as a site of cultural reproduction that has been historically constructed as the exclusive domain of the White male. The analysis unearths experiences of systemic racism where the organisational culture of training institutions is experienced as alienating and unwelcoming to Black professionals. The findings raise the need for a more thorough evaluation of how transformations efforts are being received in specialist medical education. Key Words: Black doctors, Transformation in Higher Education, Systemic Racism, Medical training / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met die oog op die realisering van die transformasiedoelwitte rakende ras- en geslagsdiversiteit in die Suid-Afrikaanse mediese professie, is dit deurslaggewend om te verstaan hoe Swart mediese spesialis studente die opleidingsomgewing ervaar. Hierdie kwalitatiewe studie gee die ervaring weer van tien Swart Suid-Afrikaanse mediese spesialiste wat die afgelope vyf jaar hulle opleiding in die Wes-Kaap voltooi het. Deur gebruik te maak van beide tematiese- en diskoersanalise, poog die studie daarin om die interpersoonlike, strukturele en institusionele faktore wat Swart bevordering tydens professionele opleiding kan belemmer of bevorder, te identifiseer en te beskryf. Deelnemers se ervarings is gekontekstualiseer in verhouding tot die diskoerse rondom die mediese professie as terrein van kulturele voortsetting van wat histories as eksklusiewe domein van Wit mans gegeld het. Die studie ontbloot ervaringe van sistemiese rassisme, waarin Swart professionele beroepspersone vervreem en onwelkom voel in die organisasiekultuur van opleidingsinstansies.Die bevindinge beklemtoon die behoefte aan ‘n meer diepgaande evaluasie van hoe transformasie-pogings ontvang word in mediese spesialis opleiding. Sleutelwoorde: Swart dokters, transformasie in tersiêre opleiding, sistemiese rassisme, mediese opleiding

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study project deals with an investigation into the development for, and achievement of, project management best practices in the City of Cape Town. It is a fact that the average ratepayer expects to receive more and better services for less money. This will only be achieved if the organization can work more efficiently and provide more effective services to the communities. To be able to deliver these improved services at lower cost, the City of Cape Town needs to implement the Integrated Development Plan (lOP) and the programmes attached thereto through a project management approach; with the projects grouped within each program, in a matrix organization structure that will enable for the successful execution of projects that cut across multiple functions. A matrix organization can only be successful if everybody in the organization understands the concept and if functional managers are willing to share their resources and functional (subject) knowledge with project managers. The process to establish a project management methodology can be supported by a central project management office, headed by a professional project manager with sufficient authority within the organization. If the organization is serious about the successful execution of its lOP commitments and all its projects, then the central project management office will have to facilitate the development to project management maturity by being the focal point for the consistent application of project management processes and methodologies. The central project management office can support decentralized project management offices in the areas of activity, to ensure uniform standards and practices throughout the organization and to take responsibility for project management training in the organization. A project management best practices questionnaire was sent to people that deal with projects in the organization. The results indicated that there are many areas that require very urgent (immediately) and urgent training (within the foreseeable future) to be able to change the organization from a pure functional organization to a matrix organization. The custodian for this training must be the central project management office in the organization. This whole process needs to be implemented in a structured way with sufficient budget and resources provided for. Professional assistance needs to be sourced to ensure that the project management methodology is implemented correctly. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk het ten doel gehad om 'n ondersoek te doen na die ontwikkeling vir, en die bereiking van, beste praktyke vir projekbestuur in die Stad Kaapstad. Dit is 'n feit dat die gemiddelde belastingbetaler verwag om meer en beter dienste te verkry vir minder geld. Dit sal alleenlik bereik kan word indien die organisasie meer effektief kan werk en meer doeltreffende dienste aan die gemeenskappe kan lewer. Om in staat te wees om die beter dienste teen laer koste te lewer moet die Stad Kaapstad die Geïntegreerde Ontwikkelingsplan (GO) en die programme daarmee verbind implementeer d.m.v. 'n projekbestuurbenadering; met elke program gegroepeer in projekte, geïmplementeer binne 'n matriks organisasiestruktuur, ten einde die projekte wat meervoudige funksies raak suksesvol te kan afhandel. 'n Matriks organisasie kan alleenlik suksesvol wees indien almal in die organisasie die konsep verstaan en indien die funksionele bestuurders bereid sal wees om hulle hulpbronne en funksionele (vak-) kennis te deel met die projekbestuurders. Die proses om 'n projekbestuurmetodologie te vestig moet die ondersteuning van 'n sentrale projekbestuurkantoor hê, bestuur deur 'n professionele projekbestuurder met die nodige gesag in die organisasie. Indien die organisasie ernstig is om die Geïntegreerde Ontwikkelingsplan suksesvol te voltooi, asook al die projekte, sal die sentrale projekbestuurkantoor die ontwikkeling van projekbestuurkundigheid tot volwassenheid moet fasiliteer deur die sentrale fokuspunt te wees vir die konsekwente aanwending van prosesse en metodologieë. Die sentrale projekbestuurkantoor kan die gedesentraliseerde projekbestuurkantore ondersteun in die areas om te verseker dat eenvormige standaarde en praktyke regdeur die organisasie in gebruik is en om verantwoordelikheid te neem vir projekbestuuropleiding in die organisasie. 'n Projekbestuur beste-praktyke vraelys was uitgestuur aan mense wat by projekbestuur betrokke is in die organisasie. Die resultate het aangedui dat daar baie areas is wat baie dringende (onmiddellik) en dringende (binne die afsienbare toekoms) opleiding benodig om die organisasie in staat te stel om te verander van 'n oorwegende funksionele organisasie na 'n matriks organisasie. Die voog vir die opleiding moet die sentrale projekbestuurkantoor wees in die organisasie. Hierdie hele proses moet op 'n gestruktureerde basis geïmplementeer word met voldoende begroting en hulpbronne. Professionele hulp moet ingebring word om te verseker dat die projekbestuurmetodologie reg geïmplementeer word.

The study is concerned with how television advertising content in South Africa promotes diversity and nation building. It looks at whether advertising representations reflect the idea of a new South Africa. The basis of the study involves a thorough analysis of the International Marketing Council’s (IMC) ‘alive with possibility’ television campaign through content analysis as well as Focus Group discussions. These advertisements are then comparatively examined with corporate advertisements on South African television. Post 1994 advertising was facing a new era with new challenges, especially due to the emerging black middle class as an important target market. Advertising in South Africa went through an enormous transformation, especially with regard to race and cultural representations and symbols of nationalism and patriotism. Some adverts, like those of the IMC, took on a specific didactic role to try and shift the perceptions of people. These ideals were also noticeable in corporate advertising in the country. Although television advertising itself went under transformation, people were unable to progress as quickly as broadcasting did. The dissertation looks at the variety of opinions regarding this type of advertising in South Africa. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2010.

D.Litt. et. Phil. (Public Management and Governance) / This study focused on a literary analysis to determine critical future considerations required to position the South African Local Government National Capacity Building Framework (NCBF) of 2011. The study addressed, inter alia, the research question: What is the nature and scope of the NCBF in local government and which priority interventions could be taken at an institutional level to promote the objectives of local government as constructed within the Constitution? Although the former Department of Cooperative Governance (DCoG) (currently the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (CoGTA) and its key stakeholders compiled the NCBF by 2004 and reviewed it in 2008, no study has yet been made of the effectiveness of the NCBF to coordinate support, capacity building and training initiatives aimed at local government to ensure that the necessary impact is achieved. Much attention has been given to individual capacity building in local government however, their inter-relatedness to institutional and environmental capacity is not sufficiently addressed to improve each municipality’s capacity. It is widely acknowledged that the ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach adopted by the national and provincial government to implement legislation in terms of the fiscal, functional and planning arrangements for local government, has not assisted municipalities with varying legacies and backgrounds to deliver uniformly on their mandates and obligation. This ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach does not take into consideration the impact of major integration challenges compounded by spatial differences between municipalities in terms of capacity to raise revenue and to deliver services. The lack of capacity in local government is a recurring theme as is the lack of coordination and the impact on the current initiatives. There is also not yet at least one set of capacity indicators against which to measure local government’s capacity. A qualitative research methodology was followed in general and a conceptual and theoretical analysis in particular. The thesis contributed to understanding of capacity building and related concepts, theories, approaches and phenomena that influence the capacity of local government to meet its objectives. The study included a detailed exploration of skills development within the realm of capacity building. It also contributed to a specific level of understanding of the variables influencing the institutional, regulatory and policy framework of the South African government system and legislation and related frameworks relevant to local government, support, capacity building and training. The study provided an integration of the determinants influencing a differentiated approach to support, capacity building and training in the local government sector and developed a model to measure support, capacity building and training at local government level, by developing measureable capacity indicators to optimally implement the NCBF of 2011 to 2016 in the long term.

A Dissertation present in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in the Political Studies, Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / Pending legislation in South Africa in the form of the Protection of State Information Bill presents an unprecedented threat to freedom of the press in post-apartheid South Africa. Like most countries globally, there have been tensions between the ruling party, which represents the state and the media, who argue that freedom of the press is critical to democracy. Both are institutions that consider their presence essential elements in a democratic regime. There is a fine line between censorship and self-regulation. But equally important is the need to balance rights to privacy with information that is in the public interest. In a country seen to have one of the most progressive constitutions in the world, enshrining freedom of the press, there are, however, still many questions around the media and where they ideally fit into society. Should they be the watchdog? Should they be a mouthpiece? And 22 years into democracy, how free are they to choose which role they prefer? With the freedom of expression war between the media and the ruling party continuing to play out in South Africa, the challenge lies in understanding what role the media has in efforts to entrench democracy. / MT2017