The Rivonia treason trial started on October 9, 1963, the same day that former Cape Town coloured singer Danny Williams made front page headlines by marrying a white girl in London. Those were the days when apartheid, not as “reformed” as it is today, was rigorously applied by the National Party government. Love, sex and marriage across the colour line were forbidden. Crooner Williams, 31, then riding the crest of the pop wave with his ballad “Moon River”, took his vows with Bobbi Carole, who married him against the wishes of her parents. Williams, fearing persecution, told an interviewer he would not be welcome in South Africa again. But most prominent by far on the front page that day was the Rivonia treason trial. A report from Pretoria — following the style of the times — said: “Eleven men — four whites, one Indian and six Natives — went on trial in the Supreme Court here today before Mr Justice Quartus de Wet (Judge President of the Transvaal) on charges of sabotage and of offences under the Suppression of Communism Act and of contravening the Criminal Law Amendment Act.” / Supplement to The Argus, Wednesday February 7 1990 / Exclusive Part 2

This dissertation explores the construction of ordinariness in the accounts of perpetrators of gross human rights violations, who commit their actions in the context of a system. A review of the literature that conceived of perpetrators in this way was undertaken. This was done whilst exploring the social constructionist paradigm, which formed the theoretical backbone to the study. Discourse analysis was the methodology adopted for the two analyses that were undertaken in the thesis. The first was the analysis of the literature review, which was undertaken in order to see how ordinariness was constructed in the literature. The second analysis was that of the transcript of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) Amnesty hearing of the applicant Daniel Petrus Siebert, into the death of Steve Biko. The analyses indicate that there is much similiarity in the ways in which ordinariness is constructed in the local context, and the ways in which it is constructed in the literature. Ordinariness in the context of gross human rights violations is produced through constructions of the perpetrator and the system within which the acts were committed, as passive and active respectively. The construction of the system as the epitome of the evil that is perpetrated enables the humanity or ordinariness of the perpetrator to be kept intact. Ordinariness in the South African context, is based on racist constructions of good whiteness, and bad blackness. Further, in the local political context, the TRC provides the conditions of possibility for the production of ordinariness, and ensures that perpetrators and others who benefited during the apartheid regime, continue to do so, as issues of accountability and responsibility are not adequately addressed. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2000.

The purpose of this study was to examine aspects of rural local governance within the democratic local government system in the Umgungundlovu, Umzinyathi, Uthukela and Amajuba districts of KwaZulu-Natal. This study could feed into the management and policy making systems of the Department of Local Government and Traditional Affairs of the Province. It would also inform a practical traditional administration centre model. It also intends to provoke a debate on issues of rural local governance in particular within the democratic local government system in South Africa. The study looked at the evolution of the institution of traditional leadership over the years. Policy issues with regard to the functioning and structuring of traditional leadership institutions in local governance were used as a basis for this discussion. Different items of legislation relating to local government and traditional leadership in South Africa generally and in KwaZulu-Natal in particular were analysed to give insight into the issues of rural local governance. It was found that traditional leaders have always worked hand in hand with government and that the government has and still is making deliberate efforts to keep traditional leadership under its control by paying their salaries and controlling all processes and systems in the functioning of traditional authorities. National and Provincial policies were found to be giving government (both National and Provincial) too much discretionary powers regarding the roles and functions of traditional leaders. The KwaZulu-Natal Department of Local Government and Traditional Affairs (DLGTA) had transformed tribal courts into Traditional Administration Centres (TACs) in line with the government's call to bring government services closer to the people. There are sixty four TACs in the Umgungundlovu, Umzinyathi, Uthukela and Amajuba districts of KwaZulu-Natal. This study reviews the level of functionality of these TACs over a period of 6 months. The activities of all TACs were monitored and recorded daily for the duration of the study. The study revealed that the TACs were generally not being used to their full potential. A combination of well equipped centres coupled with motivated and committed support staff is crucial for the effective functioning of TACs. The study also looked at different community centre models and compared them with the traditional administration centre model to help develop a practical traditional administration centre model. The study further recommends that TACs be linked to the Multipurpose Community Centres (MPCCs) either as extensions or satellites thereof. In terms of ownership, it is recommended that TACs be handed over to the local municipalities in order to ensure proper maintenance and sustainability thereof. As part of rural local governance, the study also investigated synergistic partnerships between the institution of traditional leadership and municipalities. This was done through focus group discussions with government officials, traditional councils, municipal councillors and community members. The focus group discussions also revealed the level of understanding on the roles of traditional councils and municipal councillors by different groupings i.e. government officials, traditional councils, municipal councillors and community members. The study concludes that conflict between traditional leaders and municipal councillors is inevitable and that it is difficult but not impossible to form functional linkages between the two. South Africa has seen remarkable improvements in the transformation of the institution of traditional leadership in terms of composition, functions and legal manifestations. There is a reasonable understanding on the roles of municipal councillors but traditional councils seemed not to be clear about their roles and policy issues in general. Many subjects believed that direct intervention by National and Provincial governments was desirable if sound local governance was to be attained. The study also recommends that agency agreements be entered into between traditional councils and municipalities and between traditional councils and provincial governments to allow traditional councils to perform certain functions on behalf of government departments and municipalities. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

No abstract available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1985.

In the Kwa-Zulu Natal context, a lot of attention has been paid to the construction of Zulu ethnicity in the potential and discursive spheres. Less attention has been paid however to the construction of Indian ethnicity in this region. This project will explore the exclusivist construction of an Indian ethnic identity by an Indian-owned print medium in this geographical context during the time of the 1994 South African elections, when various political parties fought for what has been called the "Indian vote". It will attempt to point out that the notion of ethnic identity offered by this medium to its readers does not actually challenge those offered to the community by the old South Africa state. In grounding the analysis of the editions under discussion in a framework developed by Norman Fairclough, this study draws heavily on a theoretical continuum developed by Antonio Gramsci and Louis Althusser. It is in such a theoretical context that Fairclouch has developed the methodology of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). By bringing such a methodology to bear on the texts under analysis, the study hopes to develop an understanding of Indian ethnicity in this region which suggests that it is an extremely problematic construct. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, 1995.

After its banning in 1961 the ANC, together with the South African Communist Party, adopted the armed struggle. Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was formed and had its debut in December of the same year. When the MK command was arrested at Rivonia outside Johannesburg most of the remaining members went into exile. The banning of the ANC forced the members not just to go underground but also to go into exile and their first haven was the newly independent Tanzania. The 1960's witnessed the flight into exile of most members of the organisation. In Tanzania, members of the ANC and MK came into contact with members of other liberation movements, including the liberation movements [Tom Portuguese Africa. As the 1960's progressed MK was responsible for training recruits in various African countries, most notably in Tanzania and Zambia. In 1967 they launched their first major campaign, together with the Zimbabwe People's Union (ZAPU), into southern Rhodesia in an effort to reach South Africa. The campaign failed and several members were put in prison in Bechuanaland. On their release some of the cadres, amongst them Chris Hani, voiced criticism of the leadership. This criticism was expressed just as the leaders of the organisation gathered for their first major conference in exile, the Morogoro conference in Tanzania At Morogoro the emphasis on armed struggle was affirmed, and it was agreed that the other pillar supporting the struggle would be international relations. After the Morogoro conference MK continued to train recruits in Zambia and Tanzania, but the situation was increasingly difficult as internal problems in these countries led to the expulsion of several liberation movements. In 1974 a new wave of South Africans went into exile, and at the same time the liberation war in Portuguese Africa entered its last phase. When Angola became independent the ANC began negotiating with the new government about the possible establishment of new training facilities for MK in Angola. When the students of Soweto went into revolt, reacting against the introduction of Afrikaans as the main language in their schools, the ANC, the MK command and their rivals the PAC were taken aback. The first wave of new recruits was flown to Tanzania before they were re-routed to Luanda In Angola they were sent to the southern parts of the country, to Benguela and later to Nova Katengue. By 1979 nine camps had been established in Angola: there was a transit camp outside Luanda, and camps at Benguela, Nova Katengue, Gabela, Fazenda, Quibaxe, Pango, Camp 32 (Quatro) and Funda The main camp was Nova Katengue. The camp got the nickname of University of the South because of the emphasis there on ideological, political and academic courses. But one episode of attempted food poisoning and later the bombing by the South African Air Force focused attention on the need for internal security in the camps, and a Security Department took shape in the region. After the bombing which left Nova Katengue flattened to the ground, MK left their southern camps; a series of meetings took place in Luanda which resulted in a revised strategy outlined in "the Green Book". In 1979 MK participated in a second campaign together with ZAPU; as the attempt to reach South Africa was once again unsuccessful most of the participants found themselves back in the Angolan camps. This failure, together with the degrading conditions in which the cadres were living, fuelled a spiral of discontent in the camps. The food was sparse and the sanitary conditions were bad. A feeling of stagnation spread among the cadres, who were disillusioned at the bleak prospect of infiltrating back into South Africa. In the beginning of the 1980's the roads between Luanda and the eastern camps around Malanje, Caculama and Camalundi became unsafe as the South African-backed UNITA guerrillas increased their attacks. MK forces were deployed around the town of Cacuso to guard the railway line and secure the safety of the road, and this deployment aggravated the dissatisfaction of the cadres. At the end of 1983 some members of the security department beat a sick cadre to death. This triggered off a mutiny in some of the camps. The leadership defused this, the first in a series of mutinies. In 1984 a second mutiny took place in Viana The mutineers elected a Committee of Ten to forward a set of demands to the leadership. But the leadership was not ready to listen and the Angolan presidential guard quelled the mutiny. When a third mutiny erupted in Pango three months later no demands were made and no committee was elected, but the Pango mutiny was more violent. After the disturbances at Viana but before the Pango mutiny, a commission had been sent out from Lusaka to find the reasons for the uprising. The commission found that the main reasons were the deteriorating living conditions, the lack of proper health services and the deployment on the eastern front. Later reports came to similar conclusions regarding the reasons for the mutiny. However, the reports differ regarding the degree of punishment used in the region after the mutinies. The Committee of Ten was imprisoned after the mutinies. However preparations were made to meet their main demand, which had been for the calling of a national consultative conference and in 1985 the Kabwe conference took place in Zambia. Some restructuring of the organisation and army took place and the much criticised Security Department was made accountable to the leadership. Life in the Angolan camps continued much as before but efforts were made to provide some vocational training and better health services. The deployment on the eastern front came to an end, but soon MK came under attack on the roads between Luanda and their northern camps. The attacks intensified as other forces in Angola gathered around the south central town of Cuito Cuanavale, and eventually the siege of Cuito Cuanavale forced the South African regime to the negotiating table. After the siege the Namibia Agreement was signed. One of the terms of the agreement was that MK had to leave Angola and search for new havens, and in 1989 and 1990 most of the cadres were flown to Uganda. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2002.

Abstract available in pdf file.

Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / According to Nattrass (2007:138), the denial and questioning of the science of HIV/AIDS at government level by, amongst others, Thabo Mbeki (former State President) and Manto Tshabalala-Msimang (former Minister of Health) resulted in an estimated 343 000 preventable AIDS deaths in South Africa by 2007. Such governmental discourse of AIDS denialism has been the target of criticism in the media and by activist groups such as the Treatment Action Campaign. This study investigates the nature of this criticism, specifically considering the critical use of metaphor in visual texts such as the political cartoons of Jonathan Shapiro, who works under the pen name of “Zapiro”. The purpose is to determine whether the nature of the criticism in visual newspaper texts differs from that of corresponding verbal newspaper texts, possibly providing means of criticism not available to the verbal mode alone. A corpus of texts published between August 1999 and December 2007 that topicalise HIV/AIDS was investigated. This includes 119 cartoons by Zapiro, and 91 verbal articles in the weekly newspaper Mail & Guardian. The main theoretical approach used in the analyses is Conceptual Metaphor Theory, developed by Lakoff and Johnson (1981), and its extension to poetic metaphor, developed by Lakoff and Turner (1989). Because of the socio-political nature of the problem of HIV/AIDS, the study also draws on Critical Discourse Analysis, including complementary concepts from Systemic Functional Linguistics. The study reveals that visual and verbal texts make use of similar sets of conventional conceptual metaphors at similar frequencies, which confirms the predictions of Conceptual Metaphor Theory. The study further reveals that the cartoons enrich these metaphors through four specific mechanisms of poetic metaphor, which the verbal articles do not. This indicates a significant difference between the two types of texts. Furthermore, it is found that the use of such poetic metaphors directly contributes to the critical power of the political cartoons. The study indicates that multi-modality in cartoons, which triggers single metaphoric mappings, adds a dimension to the critical function of the text that is absent in the verbal equivalent. The finding that the visual texts enable a form of cognition that is not available to verbal texts, poses one of the most significant avenues for future research. Thus, cartoons apparently achieve a type of criticism that is not found, and may not be possible, in the verbal texts alone. This makes the political cartoon a text type with an important and unique ability to articulate political criticism.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / South Africa has just celebrated its ten years of democracy. The country’s economic, political and sporting situation is stable. Some would debate this, but for the most part, ten years of democracy has been beneficial for most South Africans. Before 1994, South Africa had endured more than forty years of apartheid. It was a system that governed nearly every facet of life for Black South Africans. Apartheid dictated where one was allowed to live, where one was allowed to go to school and even whom one was allowed to marry. It also used sport to enforce and strengthen the ruling regime. Sport and politics have long been inextricably entangled in South Africa. The history of South African cricket walks alongside that of South Africa’s political history. Sport, and in this case, cricket, reflected South Africa’s political and social processes. South African cricket embraces an ethos that is symbolic of a wider belief system and as such has distinctive political connotations in the region. Sport in South Africa is influenced by forces beyond the sports field, but politics too can be influenced by the social and economic force of sport. This thesis aims to show how cricket not only reflected, but was also able to exert pressure on South Africa’s political situation by focussing on the years 1989-1992. A historical analysis of these years will illustrate how cricket assisted the transformation process in South Africa.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 1966 / Voorwoord: Dr Johan Philip, die eerste superintendent van die Londense Sending genootskap in Suid-Afrika. Rondom sy persoon is sedert sy dood in 1851 baie verhale en beelde gebou. In die dertig jaar van sy verblyf in Suid-Afrika was hy voortdurend in die nuus en dikwels die middelpunt van heftige geskille. Na sy dood is hy nog steeds die middelpunt van heftige meningsverskille en word sy naam dikwels gebruik om total verskillende standpunte te verdedig.