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South Africa’s intervention in Angola: Before Cuito Cuanavale and thereafterLabuschagne, Bernice 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since South Africa’s military intervention in the Angolan conflict twenty years ago, many
scholars have written various conflicting accounts on the subject. Why did South Africa
become involved in the first place, what made the SADF withdraw, and why did the country
decide to become involved once again in a conflict that seemingly did not concern them?
What happened at Cuito Cuanavale? These are the questions this study aims to address by
drawing on the work of several influential authors. But why the differing narratives? Internal
factors such as South Africa’s regional policies during apartheid as well as external factors
such as pressure on the Nationalist government from the international arena, all played
significant roles in the decision to become more deeply involved in Angola.
South African regional policies during apartheid have been regarded in very different ways by
various authors which this study will explore. SA’s policies during apartheid were
characterised by anti-communism and influenced mainly by the thought that if SA supported
a Western ideal, SA would be able to regain some international credit from Western powers.
In addition, pressure from international actors increased on SA to protect the southern African
region from communist domination. As a result, SA’s second intervention in Angola became
prolonged as the clashes between the SADF/UNITA and Angolan/Cuban/Soviet forces grew
in intensity. The battle/siege of Cuito Cuanavale is still considered to be the watershed
moment that ended the Angolan conflict. The outcome of this battle, however, is still a very
controversial subject to this day as some authors claim Cuba won, while others claim the
SADF won. At the time there was no surrender.
However, establishing exactly who the winner was is very difficult as every party to the
conflict has its own ideas about what really happened. The military outcome and political
consequences may have influenced this debate. For that reason it is imperative to remember
all important influence that various schools of thoughts have on different observers and
therefore accounts of the conflict as many of them were written in a time when Cold War and
liberation sentiments thrived. Twenty years later is a good time for better informed hindsight.
iv / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert Suid-Afrika se militêre betrokkenheid in Angola twintig jaar gelede, het verskeie
kontrasterende verhale van dié konflik die lig gesien. Hoekom het SA in die eerste plek
betrokke geraak, waarom het die SAW die eerste keer onttrek en hoekom het die land besluit
om weer ’n keer betrokke te raak by ’n konflik wat op die oog af niks met hulle te doen gehad
het nie? Wat het by Cuito Cuanavale gebeur? Dit is die vrae wat hierdie studie sal probeer
antwoord deur gebruik te maak van verskeie invloedryke outeurs. Maar hoekom die
uiteenlopende stories? Interne faktore soos SA se streeksbeleide tesame met eksterne faktore
soos internasionale druk op die NP regering, het almal deurslaggewende rolle gespeel in die
besluit om dieper betrokke te raak in Angola.
Suid-Afrikaanse streeksbeleide gedurende apartheid word anders geïnterpreteer deur
verskillende outeurs afhangende uit watter oogpunt hulle skryf, hetsy liberaal of realisties.
Streeksbeleide gedurende apartheid was gekenmerk deur anti-kommunistiese sentimente en is
hoofsaaklik beïnvloed deur die denke dat indien SA hierdie Westerse ideaal ondersteun het,
die land dalk ’n mate van sy reeds kwynende internasionale aansien sou herwin. Hoe dit ook
al sy, die druk op SA om Suider Afrika te beskerm teen die kommunistiese aanslag, het
geleidelik vergroot vanuit die internasionale arena. Dit is dan ook die rede waarom SA se
tweede inval in Angola ‘n meesleurende en uitgerekte saga geword het aangesien botsings
tussen die SAW/UNITA alliansie en die Angolese/Kubaanse/Russiese alliansies meer intens
en op ’n meer gereelde basis voorgekom het. Die laaste offensief by Cuito Cuanavale word
dus steeds gesien as die oomblik wat die einde van die Angolese oorlog ingelui het. Die
uitkoms van hierdie geveg/beleg word egter steeds in kontroversie gehul aangesien daar
steeds nie konsensus bereik kan word oor wie die eintlike wenners was nie. Sekere outeurs
voer aan dat die Kubane sonder twyfel gewen het, terwyl ander beweer dat die SAW gewen
het. Op daardie punt was daar egter geen militêre oorgawe nie.
Juis om daardie rede is dit baie moeilik om vas te stel wie die eintlike wenner was, aangesien
elke betrokke party sy eie idees gevorm het oor wat eintlik gebeur het. Dit is waarom dit
belangrik is om te let op die invloed wat verskeie outeurs kan hê op dié onderwerp aangesien
baie daarvan geskryf is gedurende ’n tyd toe die Koue Oorlog en bevrydingsoorloë aan die
orde van die dag was. Twintig jare later is dalk ’n goeie tyd vir ’n terugblik.
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Japanese investment in the South African economy : prospects for the futureNel, Philip Rudolph 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Since its transition to democracy, South Africa has been expecting a significant increase in investment from Japan. Reciprocal state visits and economic missions have been pointing towards a possible rapid expansion of economic relations. Has there been a substantial increase in investment from Japan since South Africa’s transition to democracy? Actions taken by Japanese companies on the investment front show a different picture than the optimistic one painted by government officials and ministries. The reality is that South Africa is not yet an important investment destination for Japan. This is despite the presence of companies such as Toyota, Nissan, and Mitsubishi in South Africa since the apartheid era. The automotive sector, mainly as a result of the Motor Industry Development Programme (MIDP), and the Coega Industrial Development Zone (IDZ) are the most promising prospects for future investment from Japan. The challenge for South Africa is to increase Japanese investor confidence in its economy. The creation of a possible synergy between Japan’s Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) and the South African-led New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) must be explored. Other recommendations include building stronger ties with influential business groups such as the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren), and widening the scope of trade and investment beyond the large and established corporations to also include more small and medium enterprises. Although the outlook is bleak for a short-term substantial increase in Japanese investment, the continuing facilitation of stronger relations between Japan and South Africa may produce encouraging results over the long-term.
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The Black Sash : assessment of a South African political interest groupWenhold, Marece 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science ))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / This research report is an assessment of a South African political interest group. The
interest group under investigation is the Black Sash (a non-governmental humanrights
organization). The Black Sash is an organization with a rich heritage which
dates back to 1955. The year 2005 commemorated the organization’s 50th jubilee.
This event together, with the contemporary relevance of the Millennium Development
Goals, contributes to the significance of the case study under investigation. The
research report explains how the organization forms part of the interest group society
as it started out as a pressure group and then altered itself into becoming a civil
society organization during the 1990s.
This research report is divided into three equally important parts which jointly
contribute to an opinion on whether interest groups of the 21st century are maintaining
the status quo or not. The first part is on theory, the second on description and the
third on analysis. The part on theory gives a substantial synopsis of the current stance
of literature on various facets of the operation of interest groups. The part on
description gives a descriptive summary of the history and current characteristics of
the Black Sash. The part on analysis investigates the development of the Black Sash
until now with a focus on significant drivers of change.
This research report found that the Black Sash – as representative of a 21st century
interest group – is not maintaining the status quo. The available theory on interest
groups is not sufficient to conduct impact assessments and might be presented as a
reason for the serious lack of impact assessments at present. This finding implicates
that the current available theory is in need of modification. Areas which lack
theorizing in total, as well as areas which need further study are specifically revealed.
A recommendation is put forward that new explanations and even a new vocabulary
are required in these specified areas. A contribution such as the supplementation of
existing theory on interest groups will enable impact assessments which will alter the
way in which the relationship between these groups and public policy are understood.
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Public opinion on land reform in South AfricaSwart, Charl 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores public opinion on land reform in South Africa using data gathered
by Ipsos-Markinor in nationally representative public opinion surveys conducted in
2004 and 2007, and by an elite survey conducted by Centre for International and
Comparative Politics in 2007.
This study explores whether public opinion on land reform reveals distinct trends that
correlate with the selected socio-demographic variables of race, language, party
affiliation and social status. It is hypothesised that there is an identifiable correlation
between these independent variables and the opinions of respondents on land reform,
with specific groups tending to support land reform whilst other groups tend to reject
it.
The data analyses yielded results that highlight distinct trends in public opinion on
land reform. Responses are clustered around specific characteristics of the
independent variables and point towards distinct groups having specific views on land
reform.
From this set of findings it is inferred that public opinion on land reform illustrates
that certain groups of South Africans have contrasting views of how the rule of law
and transformation should find expression in a democratic society. These
fundamentally differing opinions on key elements of democracy illustrate that South
Africans hold diverging opinions of what constitutes democracy, through adherence
to either the liberal or the liberationist model of democracy. These models were
previously identified as two distinct and diverging interpretations of democracy in
South Africa and were labelled as such. These two models uphold sharply divergent
normative prescriptions of democracy, as well as contrasting prescriptions for various
policies of democratic consolidation, including that of land reform. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare mening oor grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika word in hierdie studie
ondersoek. Die ondersoek maak gebruik van data ingewin deur Ipsos-Markinor in
nasionaal verteenwoordigende openbare meningsopnames uitgevoer in 2004 en 2007,
asook ‘n elite opname wat in 2007 uitgevoer is deur die Sentrum vir Internationale en
Vergelykende Politiek (CICP).
Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid dat openbare mening ten opsigte van
grondhervorming met geselekteerde sosio-demografiese veranderlikes (ras, taal,
politieke affiliasie en sosiale status) korreleer. Die hipotese is dat daar ‘n
identifiseerbare korrelasie is tussen hierdie onafhanklike veranderlikes en die menings
van die respondente ten opsigte van grondhervorming en dat daar spesifieke groepe is
wat grondhervorming ondersteun en ander nie.
Analise van die data toon duidelike tendense in openbare mening oor die kwessie van
grondhervorming. Menings korreleer wel met die onafhanklike veranderlikes en wys
daarop dat bepaalde sosiale groepe uiteenlopende standpunte het oor
grondhervorming.
Uit hierdie stel bevindinge maak die navorser die afleiding dat daar, binne die Suid-
Afrikaanse bevolking, groepe is met uiteenlopende menings oor hoe die oppergesag
van die reg en transformasie binne ‘n demokrasie uitgeleef moet word. Hierdie
fundamenteel kontrasterende menings ten opsigte van hierdie sleutelelemente van
demokrasie, illustreer dat Suid-Afrikaners uiteenlopende menings oor demokrasie het
in die vorm van ondersteuning van hetsy die liberale- of bevrydingsmodelle van
demokrasie. Hierdie modelle is as twee duidelike en afsonderlike interpretasies van
demokrasie voorgestel en beskryf. Hierdie twee modelle verteenwoordig skerp
uiteenlopende normatiewe beskouinge oor demokrasie, en bied daarmee saam,
botsende beleidsvoorskrifte aan vir demokratiese konsolidering, insluitende beleid oor
grondhervorming.
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Rich versus poor : discrepancies in perceptions of ANC and NP supporters towards the poor in South AfricaMamabolo, Nancy Matsie 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Within the academic fraternity poverty has traditionally been treated and analysed as a
sociological concept. When poverty reaches critical proportions, its consequences
may, however, spill directly into the political sphere. The author contends that poverty
has become one of the major determinants of political debate in South Africa.
The NP government (which changed its name to NNP in 1998), which ruled South
Africa from 1948-1994 instituted apartheid, a policy, which gave priority to the
interests of whites to the detriment of blacks, coloureds and Indians. This resulted in
an unequal distribution of resources, and consequently also unequal social
development of South Africa's different population groups. As a result poverty is
concentrated in the non-whites groups, with blacks as a group being the worst
affected.
The aim of this assignment is to investigate the difference in attitudes between
supporters of the ANC and NP towards poverty and the poor in South Africa. In this
assignment the author proposes that ANC supporters have a better understanding of
the nature of poverty and more experience of poverty than NP supporters. She bases
her contention on the fact that the overwhelming majority of the ANC's supporters
come from the previously disadvantaged groups.
The finding of this study is that political party support is one of the major
determinants of perceptions that South Africans hold towards the poor. ANC
supporters seem optimistic about the future prospects of the poor, while NP
supporters seem to be more pessimistic. It must, however, be noted that in many
instances there seem to be a general trend that population groups in both parties have
the same response pattern (e.g. blacks will show the highest percentage in a response
to a question, followed by coloureds, Indians and then whites or vice versa). / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hoewel akademici armoede hoofsaaklik as sosiologiese konsep beskou, kan ekstreme
en wydverspreide gevalle van hierdie kondisie direkte implikasies vir die dag tot dag
politiek van 'n staat inhou. Die skrywer voer aan dat dit toenemed die geval binne die
Suid-Afrikaanse politieke konteks is. Inderdaad het dit een van dié vernaamste
dryfvere van openbare beleid geword.
Apartheid was die breinkind van die NP (sedert 1998 die NNP) wat Suid-Afrika van
1948 tot 1994 regeer het. Die toepassing van dié stelsel het bygedra tot die
sistematiese ontneming van die mees basiese regte van swart, bruin and Indiër Suid-
Afrikaners tot voordeel van hul wit landgenote. 'n Byproduk van hierdie beleid, was
die oneweredige verspreiding van hulpbronne wat oor 'n tydperk van byna vier
dekades bygedra het tot 'n grootskaalse ekonomiese ontmagtiging van die
bogenoemde groepe. Gevolglik is armoede vandag nog gekonsentreer binne die
bruin, Indiër, maar veral, die swart bevolkingsgroepe.
Die sentrale oogmerk van hierdie opdrag is om vas te stelof daar wesenlike
opinieverskille tussen ANC en NP ondersteuners oor die kwessie van armoede
bestaan. Die skrywer voer aan dat dit wel die geval is. Sy substansieër haar stelling
deur te verwys na die feit dat ten tye van die relevante meningsopname die ANC se
ondersteunerskorps hoofsaaklike uit swart Suid-Afrikaners bestaan het, terwyl dié van
die NP hoofsaaklik uit wit, bruin en Indiër ondersteuners bestaan het.
Haar bevindings bevestig dat party affiliase een van die primerê determinante van
Suid-Afrikaners se houding teenoor armoede is. ANC ondersteuners blyk meer
optimisties te wees oor die vooruitsigte van die armes as NP ondersteuners. Dit moet
egter genoem word dat In vergelyking tussen die responspatrone van spesifieke
bevolkingsgroepe 'n soortgelyke tendens binne die twee partye uitlig. In die meeste
gevalle sal die persentasies vir of teen 'n stelling in dieselfe volgorde (swart, bruin,
Indiër en wit) of omgekeer voorkom.
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Achieving sustainable peace in post conflict societies : an evaluation of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation CommissionRage, Anne-Britt 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict
societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission
is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and
Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the
relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis
analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there
are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through
its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely
“to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8,
paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the
South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of
achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further
analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional
justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with
the issue of sustainable peace.
This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute
to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued
that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final
Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and
macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s
theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and
macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South
African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth
finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards
sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and
Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve
sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict
societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission
is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and
Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the
relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis
analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there
are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through
its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely
“to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8,
paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the
South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of
achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further
analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional
justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with
the issue of sustainable peace.
This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute
to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued
that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final
Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and
macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s
theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and
macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South
African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth
finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards
sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and
Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve
sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict
societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission
is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and
Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the
relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis
analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there
are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through
its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely
“to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8,
paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the
South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of
achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further
analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional
justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with
the issue of sustainable peace.
This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute
to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued
that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final
Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and
macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s
theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and
macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South
African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth
finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards
sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and
Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve
sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theory contributes to an individualisation of the truth finding process and does not
sufficiently support the macro-truths. Finally, by deconstructing the term never
again it is shown that this approach should not be used in the TRCs or in the wider
field of transitional justice
v / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek of volhoubare vrede in postkonfliksamelewings met
behulp van die oorgangsgeregtigheidsbenadering bereik kan word. Meer bepaald
word die soeklig gewerp op die waarheidskommissie as meganisme van
oorgangsgeregtigheid. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids-en-Versoeningskommissie
(WVK) dien as gevallestudie om die verwantskap tussen volhoubare vrede en
oorgangsgeregtigheid te bestudeer. Die tesis probeer vasstel of die WVK sy
mandaat uitgevoer het, en of die Kommissie se finale verslag enige bepaalde
omskrywings, gevolgtrekkings of aanbevelings bevat “om te verseker dat die
verlede hom nie herhaal nie” (paragraaf 14, hoofstuk 8, volume 5 van die WVKverslag).
Dít vind plaas deur middel van ! tekstuele ontleding van die finale WVKverslag
wat die inherente swakpunte van dié dokument in sy strewe na volhoubare
vrede krities en dekonstruktief benader. Die verslag word voorts ontleed deur die
kwessie van volhoubare vrede te verbind met die gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid
sowel as ontwikkelingstudies oor hoe toekomstige WVK’s die
kwessie van volhoubare vrede kan hanteer.
Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die Suid-Afrikaanse WVK nie ! bydrae
gelewer het tot ! sinvolle ontleding van presies hoe om ! herhaling van die
verlede te voorkom nie. Daar word aangevoer dat dít te wyte is aan die gebrek
aan ! samehangende teoretiese raamwerk, aangesien die finale verslag twee
verskillende waarheidsoekende meganismes vermeng – die mikrowaarheidsoeke
en die makrowaarheidsoeke – en ook van die geregverdigde-oorlog-teorie gebruik
maak. Deur die tekstuele ontleding van die teoretiese raamwerk van die WVKverslag
word dit duidelik dat ! mikro- en makrowaarheidsoeke moeilik in een
verslag te kombineer is, en dat, in die Suid-Afrikaanse geval, die mikrowaarheidsoeke
voorkeur geniet. Tog sou die makrowaarheidsoeke ! grondiger
ontleding bied vir die suksesvolle verwesenliking van volhoubare vrede, wat in
hierdie tesis as Galtung se ‘positiewe vrede’ en Lederach se ‘strukturele vrede’
5
verstaan word. Trouens, die makrowaarheidsoeke is ! voorvereiste om
volhoubare vrede te bereik. ! Tradisionele lesing van die geregverdigde-oorlogteorie
dra ook by tot ! individualisering van die waarheidsoekende proses, en bied
nie voldoende ondersteuning vir die makrowaarhede nie. Laastens word daar deur
die dekonstruksie van die uitdrukking nooit weer nie getoon dat hierdie benadering
nie in WVK’s of op die groter gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid tuishoort nie.
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Varieties of neoliberalism within the Post-Cold War period : economic policy in the Post-Apartheid South AfricaVan Vuuren, Ian 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis describes the development of neoliberalism within the global context and explains
how this ideology influenced economic policy formulation in post-apartheid South Africa.
Policies from the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) to the New Economic
Growth Path (NEGP) are analysed within the timeframe from 1996 to 2011 to determine how
and whether neoliberalism had an impact on policy formulation.
The development of neoliberal thinking is historicised to illustrate how it became the
dominant ideational framework at the world order level. This was a path dependent process
which is traced at the social, institutional and ideational levels. The establishment of the Mont
Pelerin Society, the development of the post-Second World War economic order and the
development and implementation of the Washington Consensus are important aspects of a
counter-ideational challenge to Keynesianism which took place over some 25 years. The
rationale behind neoliberalism and the implementation of neoliberal policies is strongly
motivated by assumptions such as private property rights, deregulation of trade, finance and
production and a form of state which facilitates market dominant policies.
Neoliberalism strongly came to prominence during the 1970s and 1980s. During this time
increased pressure was placed on the South African apartheid government from outside and
inside to implement more market-orientated or neoliberal economic policies. It became
increasingly evident that South Africa’s isolation to economic globalisation was not
sustainable. At the time of the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the
release of Nelson Mandela in 1990, the ANC did not have a clearly formulated economic
programme. Neoliberal thinking gradually gained in influence among ANC leaders and
policy makers and after the party resoundingly won the 1994 elections, it seemed that
neoliberal thinking became well established, albeit with some important variations and
distinctive characteristics.
The Growth, Employment and Redistribution programme did not fully achieve its primary
goals of employment creation and redistribution, although a period of economic growth
(2002-2006) did follow the first phase of its implementation. This led to a rethink and reevaluation
of economic policy, particularly after the global financial crisis (2007-2009). The
first “rethink” led to the adoption of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South
Africa (AsgiSA). This shift is regarded by some analysts as an economic transition period from GEAR to a more developmentalist and interventionist policy, but is, in fact,
characterised by continuity and is in line with the World Bank’s post-Washington consensus
thinking. This period is also characterised by internal tensions within the ANC and the
leadership struggle between Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki (the incumbent president and
architect of GEAR), Zuma’s victory was regarded as a victory for the left, but was followed
by minor concessions and more continuity in policy, notwithstanding the launching of the
NEGP in 2011 which spells out some goals for democratising and restructuring the economy.
The study concludes that neoliberalism had a unique influence on economic policy
formulation in South Africa even though it was not a pure reflection of neoliberal policies.
Economic policy formulation in South Africa has undergone constant change and adaptation
and reflects the shifting balance of power between the major social forces related to
production and finance in the country. At the rhetorical level, policy seems to be moving in
the direction of a democratic developmental state and this needs to be viewed within the
context of the circumstances which led to the development of the RDP, GEAR and the
NEGP. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis beskryf die ontwikkeling van neoliberalisme binne die globale konteks en
verduidelik hoe hierdie ideologie ekonomiese beleidformulering in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed
het. Ekonomiese beleid vanaf die Herkonstruksie en Ontwikkling-program (HOP), die Groei,
Indiensneming en Herverspreiding-program (GIEH) en die Nuwe Ekonomiese Groei-pad
(NEGP) word geanaliseer binne die tydsbestek vanaf 1996-2011, ten einde te bepaal hoe en
of neoliberalisme ’n impak op beleidsformulering in die land gehad het.
Die ontwikkeling van neoliberale denke word histories beskryf ten einde te illustreer hoe dit,
op die wêreld-orde vlak, die dominante ideologiese raamwerk vir ekonomiese beleid geword
het. Hierdie proses was afhanklik van ’n aantal duidelik lynverwante fases wat nagespoor
word op die kontinuum van sosiale, institusionele en idees dimensies. Die vorming van die
Mont Pelerin Stigting, die ontwikkeling van die na-oorlogse (WWII) ekonomiese orde en die
ontwikkeling en implementering van die Washington-konsensus is belangrike aspekte van die
bou van ’n ideologiese alternatief vir Keynesianisme wat oor ongeveer 25 jaar plaasgevind
het. Die rasionaal onderliggend aan neoliberalisme en daarmee gepaardgaande beleid word
sterk gemotiveer deur die aannames van privaat eiendomsregte, deregulering van handel,
finanasies en produksie en ’n staatsvorm wat mark-dominante beleid fasiliteer.
Neoliberalisme het tydens die 1970s and 1980s prominent geword. Tydens hierdie periode is
van buite en van binne toenemende druk op die apartheid regime geplaas om meer markgeorienteerde
en neoliberale beleidsveranderinge te implementeer. Dit is veral tydens die
1980s dat dit al hoe duideliker geword het dat Suid-Afrika se isolasie in ’n ekonomies
globaliserende wêreld nie meer haalbaar was nie. Ten tye van die ontbanning van die ANC en
die vrylating van Nelson Mandela in 1990, het die ANC nie ’n duidelik geformuleerde
ekonomiese program en beleid gehad nie. Teen 1994, het neoliberale denke geleidelik in
invloed toegeneem onder ANC leiers en beleidmakers, en na die eerste demokratiese
verkiesing, het dit voorgekom asof dit goed gevestig was, met nietemin belangrike plaaslike
variasies en onderskeibare kenmerke.
Die GIEH, wat as die amptelike vervatting van neoliberale ekonomiese beleid beskou kan
word, het nie ten volle sy primêre doelwitte van werkskepping en herverspreiding bereik nie,
alhoewel ’n periode van ekonomiese groei (2002-2006) wel gevolg het na die eerste fase van
dié beleid se implementering. Dit het tot ’n herbeskouing en herevaluering gelei, veral na die globale finansiële krisies (2007-2009). Die eerste “herformulering” van beleid het gelei tot
die aanname van die Versnelde en Gedeelde Groei-inisiatief vir Suid-Afrika (VGGISA).
Hierdie ontwikkeling is deur sommige waarnemers beskou as ’n ekonomiese oorgang van
GIEH na ’n meer ontwikkelingsgerigte en intervensionistiese staat, maar is, in der waarheid,
gekenmerk deur kontinuïteit en was in pas met die post-Washington konsensus beleid van die
Wêreld Bank. Hierdie periode is ook noemenswaardig vir interne spanninge binne die ANC
en die leierskaps-stryd tussen Jacob Zuma en Thabo Mbeki (die sittende president en argitek
van GIEH). Zuma se oorwinning is beskou as ’n oorwinning vir die linksgesindes in die
Drieparty Alliansie (ANC, COSATU en SACP), maar is gevolg deur klein toegewings en
meer kontinuïteit in ekonomiese beleid. Dit, nieteenstaande die feit dat die NEGP in 2011
lanseer is,met as onderbou die demokratisering en herstrukturering van die ekonomie.
Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat neoliberalisme ’n unieke invloed op ekonomiese
beleidsformulering in Suid-Afrika gehad het, selfs al was dit nie ’n suiwer weerspieëling van
hierdie denkrigting nie. Ekonomiese beleidsformulering ondergaan voortdurend verandering
en aanpassing en weerspieël veranderinge in magsverskuiwinge tussen die vernaamste sosiale
magte verwant aan produksie en finansies in die land. Op die retoriese vlak, skyn dit asof
beleid besig is om te verander in die rigting van ’n demokratiese onwikkelings-staat en dit
moet gesien word binne die konteks van die omstandighede wat gelei het tot die ontwikkeling
van die HOP, GIEH en NEGP.
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Local government decentralised reforms in South Africa : a comparative perspectiveBarle, Daniel George 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: All the countries in the world at one or another stage undergo reform or transformation
primarily for political reasons and/or to adapt to the challenges and demands placed on the
national governments by their electorate or populace. The type of reforms, that is,
centralised or decentralised which are implemented in turn is dependent on the political
conditions that prevail in a country as well as its system of government.
Any reforms which take place, whether in a developed or developing country, will have an
impact on its political system as well as governmental structures which in turn will
influence the intergovernmental relations in that country. Thus, any reforms implemented
in a country with a centralised system of government will result in the weakening of the
position of the national government in terms of power and functions. Conversely, reforms
introduced in a country with a decentralised system of government will invariably
strengthen the national government and weaken the lower levels of government in terms
of legislation and executive power and functions.
For the purpose of this dissertation, the following criteria have been identified for
comparison in respect of the decentralised reforms which have been implemented in the
selected developed and developing countries, namely:
• political system;
• local political structure;
• local functions; and
• local finance.
The decentralised reforms which have taken place in the selected countries since the
1960's were evaluated individually in respect of the aforementioned criteria, whereupon a
comparative evaluation was made between South Africa and the developing countries,
namely, Botswana and Nigeria, as well as between South Africa and the selected
developed countries, namely, Britain and the United States of America. The foregoing evaluations infer alia revealed that decentralisation was implemented in the
selected countries in various degrees or forms, namely, deconcentration, delegation,
devolution and privatisation, the latter form by way of contracting out and/or by local
authorities playing an enabling or facilitating role in respect of the provision of facilities and
services.
Flowing from the evaluations, an integrated approach was followed to formulate an
effective system of local government for South Africa with regard to the four criteria
identified for the study, bearing in mind infer alia that South Africa is an advanced
developing country, which in turn has an impact on the extent of the decentralised reforms
which can practically be implemented.
The macro organisational decentralised reform proposals regarding the political system in
South Africa entail:
• the separation of the legislative and the executive;
• the granting of greater guaranteed autonomy to the provincial and local governments;
and
• the provision of local charters and listing of municipalities in the Constitution of 1996.
Turning to the local political structure, a decentralised two tier structure is proposed for
metropolitan areas, a three tier structure for non-metropolitan areas, that is, the districts as
well as the establishment of land boards in tribal areas and the appointment of
commissioners in the districts to facilitate development planning and to eo-ordinate the
activities of the provincial and local government agencies.
With regard to the third criteria identified for the study, various functions are proposed to
either be devolved or delegated to the local sphere of government, the functions to be
executed by the different tiers of local government within the context of the
decentralisation, functions which should be eontracted out by local government and in
respect of which functions private-public partnerships should be established with relevant
bodies or organisations. Finally, additional sources of revenue are proposed for municipalities in both the
metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas, the increase in the rate of certain levies and
taxes, the transfer of certain taxes between the tiers of local government, the introduction
of a hybrid system of local government finance and for an integrated plan to be developed
for the management of public finance. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: AI die lande in die wêreld ondergaan op een of ander tydstip hervorming en transformasie
hoofsaaklik vir politieke redes en/of om aan te pas by die vereistes en uitdagings wat op
nationale regerings deur die bevolking of kiesers geplaas word. Die soort hervorming, dit
wel sê, sentralisasie of desentralisasie wat geïmplementeer word, is op sy beurt afhanklik
van die politieke toestande wat in 'n land heers, asook die land se stelsel van regering.
Enige hervormings wat plaasvind, hetsy in 'n ontwikkelde of ontwikkelende land, sal 'n
impak hê op sy politieke stelsel asook owerheidstrukture wat weer op sy beurt 'n invloed
sal hê op die interowerheidsverhoudinge in daardie land. Derhalwe, enige hervorming wat
in 'n land met 'n gesentraliseerde stelsel van regering geïmplementeer word, sal die
posisie van die nasionale regering verswak in terme van magte en funksies. Daarenteen,
sal enige hervormings wat in 'n land met 'n gedesentraliseerde stelsel van regering
geïmplementeer word, die posisie van die nasionale regering in terme van wetgewende en
uitvoerende magte en funksies, versterk en dié van die laer vlakke van regering verswak.
Vir die doel van hierdie verhandeling, is die volgende kriteria geïdentifiseer vir vergelyking
met betrekking tot die desentralisering hervormings wat geïmplementeer is in die
geïdentifiseerde ontwikkelde en ontwikkelende lande, naamlik:
• politieke stelsel;
• plaaslike politieke struktuur;
• plaaslike funksies; en
• plaaslike finansies.
Die desentralisering hervormings wat in die geïdentifiseerde lande sedert die 1960's
plaasgevind het, is individueel ge-evalueer met betrekking tot bogenoemde kriteria,
waarna 'n vergelykende evaluasie tussen Suid-Afrika en die geïdentifiseerde
ontwikkelende lande, naamlik, Botswana en Nigerië, asook tussen Suid-Afrika en die
geïdentifiseerde ontwikkelde lande, naamlik, Brittanje en die Verenigde State van
Amerika, gemaak is. Die voorafgaande evaluasies het onder andere aan die lig gebring dat desentralisasie in
die geïdentifiseerde lande in verskeie grade of vorms geïmplementeer was, naamlik,
dekonsentrasie, delegasie, devolusie en privatisering, die laasgenoemde vorm deur
middel van uitkontraktering en/of deur plaaslike owerhede wat 'n ondersteunende of
fasiliterende rol speel met betrekking tot die voorsiening van geriewe en dienste.
Voortspruitend uit die evaluasies, is 'n geïntegreerde benadering gevolg om 'n effektiewe
stelsel van plaaslike regering vir Suid-Afrika te formuleer met verwysing na die vier kriteria
wat vir die studie geïdentifiseer is, met inagneming inter alia van die feit dat Suid-Afrika 'n
gevorderde ontwikkelende land is, wat op sy beurt 'n impak het op die omvang van die
gedesentraliseerde hervorming wat prakties geïmplementeer kan word.
Die makro-organisatoriese gedesentraliseerde hervormingsvoorstelle betreffende die
politiese stelsel in Suid-Afrika behels:
• die skeiding tussen die regsprekende en die uitvoerende magte;
• die toekenning van groter gewaarborgde outonomie aan die provinsiale en plaaslike
regerings; en
• die voorsiening van selfbeskikkingshandveste en notering van munisipaliteite in die
Grondwet van 1996.
Met verwysing na die plaaslike politieke struktuur, word 'n gedesentraliseerde twee-vlak
struktuur vir metropolitaanse gebiede voorgestel, en 'n drie-vlak struktuur vir nie metropolitaanse
gebiede, dit wil sê vir distrikte sowel as die vestiging van landelike rade in
stamgebiede en die aanstelling van kommissarisse in distrikte om
ontwikkelingsbeplanning te fasiliteer en om die aktiwiteite van die provinsiale en plaaslike
regeringsagentskappe te koordineer.
Met verwysing na die derde kriteria wat vir die studie geïdentifiseer is, word verskeie
funksies voorgestel wat op die plaaslike sfeer van regering afgewentel of gedelegeer kan
word, funksies wat deur die verskillende vlakke van plaaslike regering binne die konteks
van desentralisasie uitgevoer kan word, funksies wat deur die plaaslike regering
uitgekontrakteer kan word en met verwysing na funksies waar privaat-publieke
vennootskappe met betrokke liggame en organisasies gestig behoort te word. Ter afsluiting word addisionele bronne van inkomste vir munisipaliteite voorgestel in beide
metropolitaanse en nie-metropolitaanse gebiede, die verhoging van die skaal van
bepaalde heffings en belastings, die oordra van bepaalde belastings tussen die vlakke
van plaaslike regering, die instelling van 'n gemengde stelsel van munisipale finansies en
'n geïntegreerde plan wat vir die bestuur van openbare finansies ontwikkel kan word.
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Local economic development, industrial policy and sustainable development in South Africa : a critical reflection on three new policy frameworksRivett-Carnac, Kate 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil (School of Public Management and Planning))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This dissertation considers the coherence of the prescriptions contained within three
recently released government frameworks: the National Framework for Sustainable
Development, National Industrial Policy Framework and National Framework for
Local Economic Development. A central assumption in this regard is that a level of
coherence in policy prescriptions is necessary for effective and complementary
implementation. Each of these frameworks has been developed in the context of
renewed commitment from the South African state to halve unemployment and
poverty by 2014. It is likely therefore that the frameworks will affect resource
allocation with outcomes which will have impacts on South African society at large.
Thus coherence is an important consideration.
The analysis is undertaken against the background of:
- a limited literature review on policy-making (within the broader policy studies field),
- a discussion of the political economy of South Africa, and
- a consideration of certain key debates within the global ‘development’ discourse.
This includes particular reference to the concepts of ‘sustainable development’,
‘industrial development’ and ‘local economic development’ within that discourse.
In addition, in order to gain some insight into the policy-making processes that were
followed in the production of each of the frameworks, a limited number of key
informant interviews was conducted. These interviews highlight certain elements and
factors that impacted on the final policy products and the compromises that were
reached around policy content.
The body of the analysis - a comparative content analysis of the frameworks - is
undertaken through a discussion of the manner in which the frameworks deal with
four cross-cutting themes. These four cross-cutting themes are: eco-system
considerations, social considerations, economic considerations and institutional/
governance considerations. This comparative reading of the frameworks exposes
certain divergent policy prescriptions and confirms that disagreement exists within
government itself on the country’s desired development path.
The conclusion then discusses what is required to put in place a coherent policy
making system in South Africa. It is proposed that the accommodation of policy
coherence should not come at the expense of diversity and the expression of
‘profanity’ (contestation). The value of deliberative democracy, pluralism and
complexity are highlighted in this regard. A number of recommendations are made.
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Participatory budgeting in the South African local government context : the case of the Mantsopa local municipality, Free State ProvinceLeduka, Moliehi 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / This study was carried out to assess the extent of citizen participation in local government
decision-making, with focus on the local government budgeting processes. A framework of
participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre, Brazil is used to assess participation in budgeting in
the Mantsopa Local Municipality in the Free State Province with a view to drawing
appropriate lessons for South Africa as a whole. The research looks at three important
concepts in governance. The first is the issue of good governance. The second is citizen
participation and collaboration as cornerstones of good governance. The third is
participatory budgeting as an aspect of citizen participation and collaborative decisionmaking.
A multiple research approach was employed, which included the use of focus group
discussions, and interviews to examine the level of citizen participation in local government
decision-making process within the Mantsopa Municipality. Municipal documents and
records were used to analyse the existing situation within the municipality.
The research found out that the political and administrative elites are still holding on to
power that should be in the hands of citizens. Civil society groups are still being neglected in
local government decision-making. Citizens are also not being encouraged and mobilised to
take part in the budget process. The issue of racial discrimination in engaging citizens in
decision-making still exists. Mostly, the white business and farming community felt that
they were largely excluded from these processes.
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