Inaug.-Diss.--Munich. / Vita. Bibliography: p. i-xxvi.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Leibniz Universität Hannover, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 281-300).

Thesis (MTech (Business Administration))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2009 / Greater emphasis has in recent years been placed on the fiduciary duties of managers vis-a-vis Chief Financial Officers, Accounting Officers and political representatives. The exposure has given rise to the shift in focus to overarching activities promoting social responsibility, ethics, discipline, transparency, fairness, independence and most importantly, accountability. Previous research (Burger & Goslin, 2005) focused on the rising incidence of mismanagement of public funds within government departments which has been credited to non-compliance in good governance or best practices. The rising interest by the media and the public on governanace and the role of public officials may be attributed to the various high-profile televised media releases; which includes the alleged alliance of Jacob Zuma with Schabir Schaik as emerged in the Schabir Schaik trail, the "Travelgate Scam", the 'Oilgate Saga' and the 'Arms Deal', which are but a few media reports. Corporate governance is thus understood as the method of control and accountability prevailent within the management and directorship of an organisation. The seven principles as propagated by the King Report on Governance, 2002 (referred to as the King II report), namely discipline, transparency, independence, accountability, responsibility, fairness and social responsibility is examined in this paper so as to establish whether there is an understanding and application of corporate governance within the Department of Cultural Affairs and Sport, Western Cape Provincial Government or whether good governance is integrated throughout the Provincial Department in question. In addition, the paper presents the analysis and findings of the employee perception survey conducted on public sector compliance to corporate governance principles, within the above provincial department, who were utilised as the case-study for this paper. The survey findings has reveals that the application of corporate principles exist in terms of the perceptions of the employees within the Provincial Department of Cultural Affairs and Sport. However, the study further revealed that there exists opportunities for improvement. The paper will detail the recommendations for the said department to promote corporate governance.

M.Ed. (Physical Training) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

M.Phil. / This study was conducted against the theoretical background that local government has the responsibility to provide public leisure services to the communities. Leisure provides an ideal medium for the transmission of historical, social, and cultural values that promote desired norms, customs and social orientations, as such, it is vital to the community. For disadvantaged communities to experience the benefits of leisure, government has a major role to play in the provision of resources. The aim of the study was to describe and analyse the provision of local government sport and recreation services in the City of Johannesburg, Soweto area and to present alternative forms of public leisure service delivery to aid in ensuring that limited resources are distributed to all. In order to achieve the aim of the study, it was necessary to: 1. Present responsibilities of local government with regard to the provision of sport and recreation in local government. 2. Evaluate whether resources are available for the provision of public leisure services. 3. Analyse the feasibility and implications of the user fee charge policy in public leisure services. 4. Present alternative forms of public leisure service delivery to the City of Johannesburg. Theoretical background was dealt with in Chapter two. The chapter started by briefly explaining objectives that direct services in countries like Australia, Britain, Canada and Brazil. Information obtained assisted in explaining that governments can legitimise their policies in very different ways and that service delivery is driven by what the country intends to achieve. Governance structure of sport and recreation in South Africa was discussed. Focus was mainly on local government and its mandatory responsibility towards public leisure service delivery. The importance of leisure provisions in fulfilling human needs was illustrated. Literature also indicated that personnel, facilities, money, equipment tend to influence each other to produce leisure services to the community. At the same time, user fee charge policy and marketing of services can impact on service delivery. Through the discussion it was noted that resources are limited. In view of that, it became vital to present alternative forms of public leisure service delivery. Literature presented also assisted in constructing an empirical research based on literature provided. The instruments used to collect data were two questionnaires. One questionnaire was for facility managers and the other was for regional managers/ area managers/ operational managers. A pilot study was conducted to test the reliability and relevancy of the questionnaires which were then adapted accordingly. The main survey comprised forty respondents. Questionnaires were sent to all sixty two sport and recreation facilities owned by The City of Johannesburg in Soweto for facility managers to fill and only forty were returned. Five questionnaires were sent to regional managers/ area managers/ operational managers and were returned.

Magister Artium (Sport, Recreation and Exercise Science) - MA(SRES) / The overall aim of the study was to determine the opportunities and challenges NGOs encounter when using sport as a vehicle for development within the education system, in post-apartheid South Africa. A case study design has been chosen since it will offer real insight, showing how specific sports programmes work in specific contexts. Two NGOs, Grassroot Soccer (GRS) and the Extra-Mural Education Project (EMEP) constitute the cases, with an in-depth exploration of their work and the challenges they face. The study population includes employees of GRS, EMEP, target groups of the organisations and officials in the Department of Education. Key informants, including the head of research, managing directors, coaching/training staff at each organisation, officials in the Department of Education and community leaders were purposively selected to participate in the study. Data was collected by means of in-depth interviews, document reviews and observations. In-depth interviews were conducted with the head of research, managing directors, coaching and training staff at each organisation, principals and teachers of selected schools and community leaders. The analysis of the interviews started with the transcription of information from audio-tape recordings. Both pre-determined and emerging themes were noted. The results illustrated that although certain challenges were common to both organisations, others are unique. / South Africa

In 2002, the Canadian government released a new Sport Policy that has included 'enhanced interaction' as one of its four goals for sport organizations (Canadian Heritage, 2002). Research on interorganizational relationships (IORs) specific to the Canadian sport context has suggested that while broad potential benefits exist for organizations seeking to build linkages (Thibault & Harvey, 1997), organizations need to be aware of the challenges that are involved in managing IORs (Thibault, Frisby & Kikulis, 1999; Thibault, Kikulis, & Frisby, in press; Frisby, Thibault, & Kikulis, in press). The purpose of the study was to examine collaborative advantage and collaborative inertia in IORs between a sport organization and recreation organizations using Huxham and Vangen's (2000a) conceptual framework. Studying the IORs of a provincial sport organization (PSO) involves a stakeholder group that has not been the object of previous IOR research in Canadian sport, despite the suggestion that a more comprehensive understanding of different stakeholder perspectives was needed (Thibault & Harvey, 1997). Huxham and MacDonald's research found that both collaborative advantage (achieving a result that each individual organization could not achieve alone) and collaborative inertia (where IORs do not move forward, leading to frustration) are possible outcomes of relationships (1992). Huxham and Vangen's (2000a) seven factors causing collaborative inertia were used to understand the extent to which inertia was present in the cases studied, and how inertia in the IORs was being managed. In this qualitative study, data gathered from document analysis, information meetings and observations, and semi-structured interviews revealed that collaborative advantage was achieved in the two relationships between a PSO (Tennis BC) and two municipal recreation departments (Lake City and River City). The findings also suggest that the factors leading to collaborative inertia existed in different amounts in these IORs. The inertia present existed in two different forms. The first was related to Huxham and Vangen's factors that described collaborative inertia emerging from organizational sources, and the second was related to individual sources, such as difficulties in communicating, negotiating power and trust, and negotiating autonomy. Another significant finding suggested that divergent expectations that emerged at the end of the first year of the IOR present a threat for increased collaborative inertia in the future of these IORs if not adequately managed. The role of IORs is increasingly important to sport organizations in Canada (cf. Babiak, 2003; Glover, 1999a; 1999b; Thibault et al., 1999; in press; Frisby et al., in press). Researchers have overlooked understanding the challenges of managing these relationships until recently (Frisby, et al., in press). Findings from this study support the notion that factors emerge during collaborative actions between organizations that pose a threat to realizing the advantages identified during the formation of IORs. Continued research on the process of managing IORs is needed to better understand how inertia can be limited to ensure Canadian sport organizations maximize advantage through these relationships. / Education, Faculty of / Kinesiology, School of / Graduate

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There can be little doubt about the ability of major international sporting events to capture the aspirations and hopes of nations. These events have an uncanny ability of seemingly effortlessly doing what a hundred speeches and mass rallies by politicians could only hope to achieve. Therefore, it is no surprise that they are commonly understood to be able to bring nations and people together and provide a focus for national identity and unity. The 1995 Rugby World Cup in South Africa is an obvious proponent of such a claim, whereby South Africa was emerging from a long and arduous political transition and needed something more than going to the polling booths to unite the nation. Major international sporting events are also said to be able to provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes. The 1988 Olympics in South Korea is a landmark of such claims whereby the South Korean government was said to bow to the democratizing pressures exerted on it due to its hosting of the event. Many have argued that China’s hosting of the Olympics in 2008 will have a similar effect. However, equally potent, major international sporting events can have various unintended consequences in terms of identity formation, democratization prospects and human rights for the host nations. An analysis of South Africa and Zimbabwe’s co-hosting of the 2003 Cricket World Cup demonstrates this point. The outcomes of the study suggest that whilst it is normally the intention for the host nations to use the games to bring nations and people together, the Cricket World Cup opened up a rift between races, both within the race contours of the cricket playing Commonwealth world and within South Africa's domestic politics. It was also established that much like the 1995 Rugby World Cup had sought to reconcile blacks and whites domestically under the “Rainbow Nation” during Mandela's presidency, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, with its more regional focus and under Mbeki’s presidency, presented an excellent opportunity for transnational reconciliation between Africa and the Anglo-Saxon world. However, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, as a project in racial reconciliation, was essentially a failure. This was predominantly due to the choice by South Africa of Zimbabwe as co-host and due to the shift of South Africa's national identity from that of the “Rainbow Nation” under Mandela, to that of “Africanism” under Mbeki. President Mbeki’s drive towards “Africanism” proved divisive both transnationally and domestically. Symbolically, the Cricket World Cup, when compared with the 1995 Rugby World Cup, had served to highlight the decline of the “Rainbow Nation”. Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event had served to further entrench the authoritarian regime. Instead of the regime opening up due to its co-hosting of the event, a broad clampdown on civil and political liberties was experienced. The Zimbabwean government felt the need to tighten its grip during the lead up to the event and throughout the tournament itself. The aim was to project a sanitized view of Zimbabwe to the rest of the world. Thus, the event presented an opportunity for the government to shore up its credibility and produce political propaganda. South Africa’s stance of “quiet diplomacy” also indirectly helped to further entrench the regime through the World Cup. Zimbabwe's co-hosting also impacted negatively on the opposition, the MDC. In addition to this, the various pressures which major events are said to exert on a host nation to reform politically and which result from boycott campaigns, pressure from the media, stimulation of civil society and protests, were not very effective in enhancing democratization prospects and human rights in Zimbabwe. This study reaches the overall conclusion that the claims that major events bring nations and people together and provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian regimes, need further revision. South Africa and Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event did indeed have unintended consequences. Policy implications are also assessed. Future areas for research are also identified. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Daar bestaan min twyfel dat groot internasionele sportgebeurtenisse die strewes en verwagtinge van nasies aanwakker. Hierdie gebeutenisse het die vermoë om op ‘n oënskylike moeitelose wyse meer te bereik as wat ‘n honderd toesprake en massavergaderings deur politici kan hoop om te bereik. Daarom is dit geen verrassing nie dat daar vry algemeen aanvaar word dat hierdie gebeurtenisse oor die vermoë beskik om nasies en mense by mekaar te bring en ‘n fokus vir nasionale identiteit en eenheid kan verskaf. Die 1995 Rugby Wêreldbeker in Suid-Afrika, is ‘n ooglopende voorbeeld: Suid Afrika het uit ‘n lang en moeilike politieke oorgang gekom en het meer as ‘n blote verkiesing nodig gehad ten einde die nasie te verenig. Voorts is dit ook so dat groot internasionale sportgebeurtenisse ‘n katalisator of aansporing is vir demokratisering en die bevordering van mensregte in outoritêre en semi-outoritêre regerings. Die 1988 Olimpiese Spele in Suid-Korea ondersteun hierdie aanspraak. As gasheerland van hierdie spele, het die Suid-Koreaanse regering onder toenemende druk gekom om aan die vereistes van demokrasie te voldoen. Daar word verwag dat die Olimpiese Spele van 2008 dieselfde impak op China, die gasheerland, sal hê. Terselfdertyd is dit egter ook so dat groot internasionale sportgebeurtenisse vir die gasheerlande onverwagte negatiewe gevolge ten opsigte van identiteitsvorming, demokratiseringsvooruitsigte en bevordering van menseregte kan hê. n’ Ontleiding van Sui-Afrika en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker staaf hierdie stelling. Die resultate van die studie toon aan dat alhoewel gasheerlande normaalweg groot sportgebeurtenisse gebruik om nasies en mense byeen te bring, het die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker ‘n kloof tussen rasse veroorsaak – binne die krieketspelende Statebondswêreld sowel as die Suid- Afrikaanse huishoudelike politiek. Daar is ook vasgestel dat net soos die 1995 Rugby Wêreldbeker aan Suid-Afrika tydens die presidentskap van Mandela en onder die vaandel van die “Reënboognasie” ‘n plaaslike versoeningsgeleentheid tussen swart en wit gebied het, net so het die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker, met sy regionale fokus en onder presidentskap van Mbeki, ook ‘n uitstekende geleentheid vir trans-nasionale versoening tussen Afrika en die Anglo-Saksiese wêreld gebied. As versoeningsprojek was die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker egter in wese ‘n mislukking, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van Suid-Afrika se besluit dat Zimbabwe ‘n mede-gasheer moes wees en weens die feit dat Suid-Afrika se nasionale identiteit ‘n klemverskuiwing van “Reënboognasie” onder Mandela tot “Afrikanisme” onder Mbeki, ondergaan het. President Mbeki se beklemtoning van “Afrikanisme” was ook huishoudelik en trans-nasionaal verdelend. Simbolies gesproke, het die Krieket Wêreldbeker – in teenstelling met die Rugby Wêreldbeker – die “Reënboognasie” se verkwyning beklemtoon. Daar is ook vasgestel dat Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die Krieket Wêreldbeker inderdaad hierdie outoritêre regering versterk het. In plaas daarvan die Zimbabwiese regering sy outoritêre greep as gevolg van sy mede-aanbieding verslap het, was daar inderdaad ‘n verdere breë onderdrukking van burgerlike en politieke regte. Die Zimbabwiese regering het in die aanloop tot en in die loop van die toernooi sy outoritêre greep verstewig ten einde ‘n gesaniteerde beeld van Zimbabwe aan die res van die wêreld te kon voorhou. Die Zimbabwiese regering het die geleentheid misbruik om geloofwaardigheid te probeer wen en politieke propaganda uit te stuur. Suid-Afrika se standpunt van “stille diplomasie” het ook die hand van Zimbabwiese regering versterk; en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die toernooi het ‘n negatiewe impak op die opposisie, die MDC, gehad. Die dwang wat op gasheerlande deur middel van boikotte, die media en proteste uitgeoefen kan word om polities te hervorm, was in die geval van Zimbabwe nie effektief nie. In hierdie studie word tot die slotsom gekom dat die aansprake dat groot sportgebeurtenisse nasies en mense saambring en ‘n aansporing vir demokratisering van outoritêre regerings is, verdere hersiening verg. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die toernooi het onbeoogde gevolge gehad – en in sommige gevalle was hierdie gevolge selfs direk die teenoorgestelde van wat verwag is. Beleidsimplikasies word ook evalueer. Voorts word toekomstige navorsingsareas ook identifiseer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Mega-events such as the Olympic Games have emerged as one of the most significant features of the global era. Not only has the number of participants increased, but also the hosting of these events has been seen as an opportunity for countries to externally market themselves, in an attempt to raise their international profile, and to develop national identity. As such, many nations continue to enthusiastically compete to host these events. Despite the prestige of hosting events, South Africa has in the past been excluded from participating, let alone being considered to bid to host events of such magnitude. This was as a result of the Apartheid policy that extended into sport. After being admitted into the world of sport, it has joined the list of nations that regularly compete to bid. There are two questions that this study sets out to explore. Firstly, how did hosting of the Games market South Africa internationally? Secondly, did hosting the Games help celebrate South Africa's national identity? In trying to answer these questions, the marketing power concept has been used. Part of the proposition is that marketing power is more sought after by state elites who lack national identity. In light of this, South Africa has been used as a case study. Bidding to host the Olympic Games was no easy road for South Africa, and in the aftermath of the Bid, this study identifies the reasons why the Bid was unsuccessful. The findings suggest that South Africa's attempt to host the Games did indeed market the country internationally. However, the findings indicate that bidding to host the Games did not bolster national identity, instead it revealed that there was lack of unity. In addition there are some important lessons that can be drawn from this study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hoë-profiel gebeure soos die Olimpiese Spele is een van die mees opmerklike gevolge van die globale era. Buiten dat die aantal deelnemers aan sulke gebeurtenisse dramaties togeneem het, het die eise en die kompetisie om sodanige gebeurtenisse aan te bied, toegeneem omdat state hierdeur hulself ekstern kan bemark en intern skep sulke gebeurtenisse 'n geleentheid om nasionale identiteit te bevorder. Ten spyte van die prestige wat die gasheer-staat in sulke gevalle te beurt val, is apartheid Suid- Afrika histories uitgesluit van deelname aan veral hoë profiel sport, en was die aanbieding van sulke gebeurtenisse in Suid-Afrika buite die kwessie. Namate Suid- Afrika weer 'n aanvaarde lid van die gemeenskap van nasies geword het, het Pretoria ook toenemend begin bie om hoë-profiel sportgebeurtenisse aan te bied. Hierdie studie verken twee sentrale vraagstukke. Eerstens, hoe bemark die aanbied van die Olimpiese Spele Suid-Afrika op 'n internasionale grondslag? Tweedens, help die aanbieding van sulke sportgebeure werklik om 'n gevoel van 'n nasionale identiteit onder Suid-Afrikaners aan te wakker? Ten einde die vrae te beantwoord, word in 'n hoë mate van die konsep, 'bemarkingsmag' ('marketing power') gebruik gemaak. Daar word deel geargumenteer dat bemarkingmag juis deur staatselites nagejaag word in samelewings waar nasionale identiteit gebrekkig ontwikkel is. Die Suid-Afrikaanse geval is dus by uitstek 'n toonaangewende voorbeeld van die tendens. In die studie word daar aangedui hoekom die bie proses ten einde die Olimpiese Spele aan te bied so 'n besondere komplekse uitdaging is, hoe dit deurgevoer is en waarom Suid-Afrika misluk het. Die bevindings suggereer dat motivering om die Spele aan te bied inderdaad gedryf is deur die behoefte om Suid-Afrika se bemarkingsmag uit te brei. Ten spyte hiervan, het die bie-proses ook 'n baie brose sin van nasionale identiteit ontbloot het en 'n duidelike rasse-skeidslyn in terme van populere steun vir die bie-proses. Die studie onttrek ook 'n aantal gevolgtrekkings wat vir ander bod-prosesse van waarde kan wees.

Submitted by PPGE PPGE (pgedu@ufba.br) on 2015-01-09T16:44:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado (1).pdf: 1786841 bytes, checksum: 4726b9ec68d7285172ed4a76605d87b5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Auxiliadora da Silva Lopes (silopes@ufba.br) on 2015-01-27T17:25:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado (1).pdf: 1786841 bytes, checksum: 4726b9ec68d7285172ed4a76605d87b5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-27T17:25:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado (1).pdf: 1786841 bytes, checksum: 4726b9ec68d7285172ed4a76605d87b5 (MD5) / A pesquisa investigou os impactos da política esportiva do Ministério do Esporte – ME, entre os anos de 2003 a 2012, tendo o seguinte problema de investigação: o que aponta o balanço político das diretrizes e ações do Ministério do Esporte, enquanto principal expressão da política esportiva brasileira no século XXI? Partiu-se do pressuposto de que as políticas de alívio da pobreza e dos grandes eventos contribuíram para a consolidação dos interesses do capital monopolista e de frações de classe burguesa. Com isso, o estudo teve como objetivos: discutir a função que exerce a política do Ministério do Esporte para ampliação dos interesses da burguesia interna e externa; identificar os elementos estruturantes da política esportiva brasileira no século XXI; discutir a relação da política esportiva nacional com o processo de recomposição da hegemonia da burguesia a partir da criação do ME; apontar as contradições existentes entre o direcionamento dos recursos financeiros do ME, quando comparados à democratização do acesso aos projetos e programas. Para análise dos dados, realizou-se uma pesquisa documental, tendo em vista a investigação do documento “Política Nacional de Esporte”; leis e atas de reuniões do Conselho Nacional de esporte – CNE; deliberações das Conferências Nacionais de Esporte; o documento “Balanço da Gestão do Ministério do Esporte, 2003-2010” e matérias produzidas pelo Ministério do Esporte; demonstrativos financeiros da Lei Agnelo/Piva relacionados ao Comitê Olímpico Brasileiro – COB; matérias de sites e blogs sobre as ações do Ministério do Esporte no período. Como principais conclusões do estudo, destaca-se a constatação de que a política do Ministério do Esporte se voltou para um processo de estatização do financiamento do esporte de alto rendimento e descentralização dos recursos públicos ao Terceiro Setor para o fomento do esporte educacional. No que diz respeito às Conferências Nacionais de Esporte, as principais deliberações de interesse da classe trabalhadora pouco tiveram interferência nos rumos da política esportiva brasileira deste período. Sobre os megaeventos esportivos, desde a criação do ME eles tiveram presentes nos objetivos do governo materializados através das entidades esportivas organizadoras oficiais destas competições, como forma de projeção do país no âmbito internacional e expansão dos negócios de setores do capital nacional e internacional. Em contraponto à defesa destes como gerador de legados sociais, destaca-se que os maiores beneficiados foram os aparelhos privados de hegemonia do esporte de alto rendimento e empresas, através das concessões na utilização dos principais estádios de futebol, política de isenção fiscal e descentralização dos recursos públicos para a realização de projetos esportivos. / ABSTRACT The research investigated the impacts of sports policy of the Ministry of Sport - ME , between the years 2003-2012 , with the following research problem : What indicates the political balance of guidelines and actions of the Ministry of Sports as the main expression of the political Brazilian sports in the XXI century? There was an assumption that the policies of poverty alleviation and major events contributed to consolidate the interests of monopoly capital and the bourgeois class fractions. Thus , the study aimed to: discuss the role it plays the politics of Sports Ministry to expand the interests of domestic and foreign bourgeoisie ; Identify the structural elements of Brazilian sports policy in the twenty-first century ; Discuss the relationship of the national sports policy in the process of rebuilding the hegemony of the bourgeoisie since the creation of the ME ; Pointing out the contradictions between the channeling of financial resources of ME , compared to the democratization of access to projects and programs. To analyze the data, there was a documentary research in order to investigate the document " National Policy on Sport " ; laws and minutes of meetings of the National Council of Sport - CNE ; deliberations of the National Conference of Sport ; the document " Review of Management of the Ministry of Sport , 2003-2010 " and materials produced by the Ministry of Sports ; financial statements of the Law Agnelo / Piva related to the Brazilian Olympic Committee - COB ; materials of websites and blogs about the actions of the Ministry of Sports in that period. The main conclusions of the study, there is the realization that the policy of the Ministry of Sports turned to be a process of nationalization of the financing of high performance sports, and decentralization of public resources to the Third Sector for the promotion of sport educational. Regarding the National Conference of Sport, the main deliberations of interest of the working class had little interference in the course of Brazilian sports policy of this period. On mega sporting events since the creation of the ME they were present in the materialized government objectives through sports entities official organizers of these competitions, seeking the projection of the country internationally and expanding business sectors of national and international capital. In contrast to the defense of these as social legacy generator, it is highlighted that the biggest beneficiaries were private apparatus of hegemony of the elite sports and companies, through the use of concessions in major football stadiums, tax exemption policy and decentralization of public resources for realization of sports projects.