"The problem of this study was to determine attitudes toward physical activity expressed by male and female students in the required physical education activity program at North Texas State University during the 1970 spring semester."--4.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-09-27T12:26:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Déberson Ferreira de Almeida.pdf: 801446 bytes, checksum: af6af645cfa529683057f39193a7825c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-27T12:26:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Déberson Ferreira de Almeida.pdf: 801446 bytes, checksum: af6af645cfa529683057f39193a7825c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present study aimed at analysing the the National Common Curricular Base (BNCC) - in the versions available for public consultation - in reference to the concept of the Physical Education component in Primary Education, identifying its assumptions and interpretive repercussions. The interest in such study emerged from the relevance of the referred policy that has attracted the interest of millions of people, generating debates among different professional and social groups, about the resignification of Primary Education, such as schools, universities, media and social groups. The research was based on a qualitative approach and made use of bibliographical study and document analysis as methodological procedures. The main concepts of the theoretical basis are: “critical curriculum”, based on Paulo Freire’s and Michael Apple’s approach and “cultural curriculum”, based on Marcos Garcia Neira’s work. The basis for document analysis was the BNCC’s version approved in December 2017, by the Presidency of the Republic.In general, the research reveals that, as a public policy, the BNCC has been a source of polemic and controversy, regarding its interpretations and the acceptance of its concepts. The major focus of its propositions is on the essential learnings to be developed in Primary Education, through an integral humanitarian education, as a means to leverage a more democratic, inclusive and fair society. The Physical Education component in the BNCC was conceived and a set of content to be developed in the educative practice of this area. The analysis results highlight the understanding that Physical Education in the BNCC represents a historical retrocession. This is due to the fact that teachers' and researchers' achievements, debates and fights for a more democratic education, through the promotion of students' and teachers' autonomy, vis à vis the teaching-learning concept in Physical Education, in a critical-cultural perspective, have been majorly neglected / O presente estudo teve como objetivo analisar a Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) quanto à concepção referente ao componente Educação Física para o Ensino Fundamental, identificando seus pressupostos e repercussões interpretativas pertinentes às versões disponibilizadas para consulta pública. O interesse pelo estudo deveu-se à relevância do significado da referida política que mobilizou milhares de pessoas, gerando debates em diferentes ambientes como escolas, universidades, veículos de comunicação e grupos sociais distintos da sociedade política e civil, em busca de ressignificação do ensino na Educação Básica. A pesquisa caracteriza-se pela abordagem qualitativa e tem como procedimentos metodológicos o estudo bibliográfico e a análise documental. O referencial teórico tem como conceitos centrais: “currículo crítico”, considerando essencialmente as abordagens de Paulo Freire e Michael Apple e “currículo cultural da Educação Física”, fundamentado em obras de Marcos Garcia Neira. A BNCC, versão homologada pela presidência da República, em dezembro de 2017, é elemento básico da análise documental. A pesquisa revela, de modo geral, que a BNCC constitui-se em política pública geradora de polêmicas e posicionamentos, por vezes contraditórios, quanto às interpretações e aceitabilidade de suas concepções. Ressalta-se como foco central de suas proposições as aprendizagens essenciais a serem desenvolvidas na Educação Básica, por meio de uma educação humana integral, tendo em vista a efetivação de uma sociedade justa, democrática e inclusiva. O componente Educação Física na BNCC é concebido como um conjunto de conteúdos a serem desenvolvidos na prática educativa desta área de formação. Os resultados das análises colocam em destaque o entendimento de que a caracterização de Educação Física na BNCC corresponde a um retrocesso histórico. Isto se deve à desconsideração de conquistas do movimento contínuo de debates e lutas de professores e pesquisadores por uma educação mais democrática no sentido da promoção da autonomia de alunos e docentes em relação à concepção de ensino-aprendizagem na área de Educação Física, numa perspectiva crítico-cultural

許慶豫. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (p. 346-364) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Xu Qingyu. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (p. 346-364) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

何翰庭 = The life and thought of Liu Liang-mo, a Pro-Communist Christian / Ho Hon-ting Johnson. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 105-119. / 中英文摘要. / He Hanting = The life and thought of Liu Liang-mo, a Pro-Communist Christian / Ho Hon-ting Johnson. / 論文撮要 --- p.ii / 鳴謝 --- p.iii / Chapter 第一章´Ø --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一´Ø --- 硏究動機 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 硏究回顧略述 / Chapter 三´Ø --- 參考資料與硏究方法 / Chapter 第二章´Ø --- 劉良模的生平略述 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章´Ø --- 劉良模的救國思想 --- p.23 / Chapter 一´Ø --- 引言 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 劉良模早期的改良思想 / Chapter 三´Ø --- 對共產黨的認識和支持 / Chapter 四´Ø --- 留美九年的經歷 / Chapter 五´Ø --- 小結 / Chapter 第四章´Ø --- 劉良模的教會改造思想 --- p.57 / Chapter 一´Ø --- 引言 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 中共建國前中國基督徒對政治的態度 / Chapter 三´Ø --- 劉良模對新中國的認同 / Chapter 四´Ø --- 劉良模的三自改造思想 / Chapter 五´Ø --- 劉良模與基督教的改造 / Chapter 六´Ø --- 劉良模的「基督教思想」 / Chapter 七´Ø --- 小結 / Chapter 第五章´Ø --- 總結 --- p.99 / Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 「紅色基督徒」在新政權中的作用 / Chapter 二´Ø --- 宗教信仰對劉良模的意義 / 參考資料 --- p.105 / 附錄 --- p.120 / 劉良模的生平照片 / 民眾歌詠會情況 / 三十年代基督教青年會舊址現貌 / 美國賓夕凡尼亞大學圖書館檔案部回覆筆者信函：關於劉良模的檔案

胡務. / 論文(博士)--香港中文大學, 2000. / 參考文獻 (p. 258-262) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Hu Wu. / Lun wen (bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2000. / Can kao wen xian (p. 258-262) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

This extended case analysis thus demonstrates the intricate relationship between complex state capacities and cultural hegemony. It aims to deepen our understanding of the cultural history and state nature of Mao's China; theoretically, it aims to bring the state back into the cultural analysis based on a more solid foundation of state theory and provide a reference case for applying state theory to analyze cultural and other issues. / This research is an empirical analysis of the cultural hegemony pursued by Mao's China (1949-1966) in the field of mass culture. Based on the empirical research of this study, and inspired by the perspective of "Bringing the State back in" School, and the "State in Society" theory as well, this research put forth the theoretical perspective of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", which highlights the uneven-ness of state capacities in different fields and different aspects of the same field, and emphasizes that we should pay attention to both the strong state capacities, weak state capacities, the paradox of strong state capacities, the conflict between different state projects and the influence of "policy feedback" on state capacities. Based on the Extended Case Method, this research selects the Dashijie Amusement Center in Shanghai as the subject of research. It analyzes how the new regime effectively took over and transformed Dashijie, and meanwhile, demonstrates that under the influence of the complex state capacities, Dashijie gradually lost its original characteristics as an amusement center, and became more and more similar with Workers' Club. This phenomenon is called as cultural isomorphism. Negotiational hegemony to some extent alleviated this situation of cultural isomorphism, while zero-sum hegemony exacerbated it. With this development, the number of audience of Dashijie dropped a lot, which implies the predicament of cultural hegemony in the field of mass culture pursued by the totalistic state. Following the methodological perspective of the Extended Case Method, and also inspired by Bourdieu's theory of cultural field, this research further analyzes the evolution of Shanghai Bureau of Cultural Affairs. It demonstrated that, compared with the Nationalist Government, the new regime took further step in state building in the field of mass culture, advancing the bureaucratization of cultural administrative apparatuses and penetrating the state power into the cultural field at the grass-roots level. On the other hand, this research also reveals that the new regime is constrained by the weak state capacities in financial resources, human capital, sufficient bureaucratization, and the limitation of state capacities in the heterogeneity of the masses and the asynchronous-ness of structural transformation. As a result, the state capacity of the totalistic state in eradicating the production and circulation of the old mass cultural products is relatively strong and thus relatively successful, while the state capacity in constructing a new socialist mass culture, which was expected to be widely accepted by the masses, is relatively weak and thus relatively unsuccessful. In the view of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", negotiational hegemony reflected the recognition of complex state capacities, and it was thus necessary and beneficial for the state project of cultural hegemony; while the zero-sum hegemony reflected lack of recognition of or even did not accept the situation of complex state capacities, and thus exacerbated the situation of cultural isomorphism, leading to the final predicatement of cultural hegemony. / 肖文明. / Adviser: Hoi-man Chan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 323-339). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xiao Wenming.

歐陽敬孝. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (p. 248-270). / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Ouyang Jingxiao. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 248-270).

When the national Democratic Party began to transform to progressive era politics because of the New Deal, conservative reactionaries turned against the social welfare programs and used red scare tactics to discredit liberal and progressive New Deal Democrat professors in higher education. This process continued during the Second World War, when the conservatives in Texas lumped fascism and communism in order to anchor support and fire and threaten professors and administrators for advocating or teaching “subversive doctrine.” In 1948 Texas joined other southern states and followed the Dixiecrat movement designed to return the Democratic Party to its original pro-business and segregationist philosophy. Conservatives who wanted to bolster their Cold Warrior status in Texas also played upon the fears of spreading communism during the Cold War, and passed several repressive laws intended to silence unruly students and entrap professors by claiming they advocated communist doctrine. The fight culminated during the Civil Rights movement, when conservatives in the state attributed subversive or communist behavior to civil rights organizations, and targeted higher education to protect segregated universities. In order to return the national Democratic Party to the pro-business, segregationist philosophy established at the early twentieth century, conservatives used redbaiting tactics to thwart the progressivism in the state’s higher education facilities.

The central argument of this thesis is that a series of China's state policies, before and during the reform era, were conducive to the rise of the 1989 Chinese Student Movement (CSM). The most important of these were (1) leftist policies during Mao's era which fostered the formation of pro-democratic yet impractical intellectuals and created a university ecology that was remarkably conducive to student movements, and (2) the state-led reform which over produced students on the one hand, and blocked upward mobility channels for intellectuals and students on the other hand. These and other conducive factors to the rise of the 1989 CSM were not simply state mistakes. To a large extent, they were characteristic of the regime. / The thesis does not reject non-state centered factors such as anomic feelings toward uncertainties brought by the reform, the conflict between reformers and hardliners within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the rise of civil society during the eighties, the impact of Western ideologies following the open door policy or the intrinsic character of Chinese culture, that have all been hitherto proposed to explain the rise of the CSM. Rather, it incorporates these explanations under a state-centered paradigm in light of a general model (the DSSI model) that I am proposing to explain the general causes, and to a lesser extent, the dynamics of large scale social movements.

This thesis examines the identities and functions of late Anglo-Saxon royal agents (c. 950-1066), focusing on bishops and ealdormen. To establish who royal agents were, the thesis explores the family relationships among the leading men in the ecclesiastical and secular spheres, especially those linking men administering ealdordoms to the senior clergy. It also examines the offices of royal agents in late Anglo-Saxon England and argues that the duties of ecclesiastical and secular officials were not fundamentally different. While traceable kin networks appear among senior clerics and among high secular officials, few familial links connect the senior clergy to ealdormen. Thus, this thesis divides these kin-groups into those who gained secular offices, 'lay families', and those who sought power through the ecclesiastical positions, 'church families'. The analysis of the strategies adopted by 'lay families' and 'church families' to secure and maintain political power indicates how the aristocracy served both the king and their own ambitions in the governance of late Anglo-Saxon England. Although these royal agents came from different family groups, their obligations as royal agents appear remarkably similar with the exception of their military functions. This information provides a better understanding of the pool of men from whom English kings generally chose their officials, how rulers may have kept this group from becoming too small, and what was expected of these royal agents. The lack of (recorded) nepotism across episcopal and secular lines provides a more nuanced understanding of the aristocracy in Anglo-Saxon England. Furthermore, by offering an examination of both the identities and the functions of royal agents, this thesis provides a better understanding of the late Anglo-Saxon kingdom and its administration. In addition it creates a clearer picture of the aristocracy, the king, and the Church as well as the relationships between all three.