This thesis addresses two key questions: First, how did those involved in the provision of public housing in twentieth-century England conceptualise the people who they were providing houses for? Second, how did their ideas change over time? These questions are important and need answering because, although there has been a great deal written about the history of public housing in England, there has up until now been very little thought given to the manner in which the council estate tenants themselves were actually identified and conceptualised as subjects in need of state-funded housing. My thesis begins to redress this imbalance by providing an overview of the changing forms and practices through which prospective tenants were conceptualised and acted upon by those in positions of power in England between 1920 and 1970. Using records from local authority archives, sociological surveys, architectural and town planning journals, central government publications, Mass Observation reports and tenant handbooks, and focusing primarily on council estates in London, Manchester and Sheffield, it shows how ideas about what prospective tenants needed from their homes changed dramatically over the course of this period, with the narrowly sanitary and biopolitical approaches of the 1920s and 1930s increasingly being challenged and complemented by a host of new ideas and discourses which placed far more emphasis upon the prospective tenant’s emotional, social and personal needs. As such, this thesis not only adds substantially to our understanding of the changes that took place in the English public housing sector between 1920 and 1970, but also adds to the burgeoning literature on questions of governmentality; contributing in the process to our understandings of modern modes of power.

L'idée d'un texte juridique dépourvu de signification normative peut sembler absurde. Toutefois, dans un contexte d'assouplissement de la technique juridique et de multiplication des énoncés à la vocation incertaine, la normativité de certains textes ou énoncés juridiques est aujourd'hui contestée. Or, en cas de contestation de la normativité d'un texte, c'est aux juridictions et, en particulier, au Conseil constitutionnel et au Conseil d'Etat, qu'il appartient de reconnaître ou d'exclure l'existence d'une norme juridique susceptible d'être contestée ou invoquée. Il s'agit alors, pour le juge, non pas de définir le sens d'une norme mais d'apprécier si, et dans quelle mesure, un énoncé est porteur d'une norme juridique. C'est cette appréciation juridictionnelle de la normativité des textes juridiques qui constitue l'objet de notre étude. Si ce versant du pouvoir d'interprétation juridictionnel n'est pas nouveau, il s'est développé et est devenu plus explicite. L'appréciation de la normativité porte sur les textes contestés ou invoqués et détermine en grande partie leur régime contentieux. Ainsi, l'appréciation juridictionnelle de la normativité des textes juridiques constitue un versant spécifique du pouvoir d'interprétation juridictionnel auquel sont attachées des conséquences propres. Cette appréciation amène les hautes juridictions, d'une part, à opérer une distinction entre des textes ou des énoncés dotés d'une signification normative et des textes ou des énoncés qui en sont dépourvus et, d'autre part, à opérer, au sein même des textes auxquels elles reconnaissent un contenu normatif, une appréciation du degré de normativité sur laquelle repose une modulation des conditions d'exercice du contrôle juridictionnel. / No Abstract

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. / Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 166-177). Also available via the Internet.

Submitted by CRISTIANE CINAT null (cricriblue@hotmail.com) on 2017-02-22T01:43:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Cinat_C - FINAL.pdf: 1163713 bytes, checksum: e69aa2b3cfb8d630c118bfea54e5a8de (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by LUIZA DE MENEZES ROMANETTO (luizamenezes@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2017-02-24T18:49:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 cinat_c_dr_fran.pdf: 1163713 bytes, checksum: e69aa2b3cfb8d630c118bfea54e5a8de (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-24T18:49:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 cinat_c_dr_fran.pdf: 1163713 bytes, checksum: e69aa2b3cfb8d630c118bfea54e5a8de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A hegemonia, entendida no autêntico conceito desenvolvido por Gramsci, é considerada no presente trabalho como uma ferramenta metodológica e como um horizonte político para se alcançar a realidade e se construir uma possível sociabilidade mais livre e emancipada. Nesse sentido, buscou-se analisar as mediações ocorridas no Conselho Estadual do Idoso de São Paulo (CEI/SP) enquanto um campo permeado por tensões, contradições e consensos no exercício político que visa disputar valores e projetos societários por meio da participação, do controle social e das ações desenvolvidas nesse espaço em privilegiado tempo, em que aconteceram as Conferências Municipais, Estadual e Federal dos idosos no contexto de recessão e crise político-econômica vivenciado atualmente. Os Conselhos de políticas públicas no Brasil foram inscritos constitucionalmente após a reabertura democrática, ocorrida no final da década de 1980, e como órgão paritário e deliberativo, o CEI/SP foi observado enquanto espaço privilegiado de relações entre a sociedade civil e o Estado, capaz de refletir demandas e expressões da população idosa na interlocução com o poder governamental, com vistas a inscrever, normativamente, garantias e direitos tanto na esfera estadual como nas discussões e encaminhamentos federais por meio das Conferências. Para tanto, foi desenvolvida análise com base em literatura afeta ao tema, em material produzido pelo Conselho – como atas, relatórios e deliberações, observação das reuniões ordinárias e entrevistas com os conselheiros, tanto representantes da administração pública quanto da sociedade civil. Foi possível perceber que o CEI/SP tem relevância enquanto instrumento de consolidação democrática, haja vista seu alcance junto à base popular que representa e sua capacidade organizativa para encaminhar propostas junto ao executivo/legislativo estadual e federal como acontecido nas Conferências, mas, por outro lado, esbarra em limites que por vezes esvaziam e restringem esse potencial, sem conseguir tencionar ou incidir nas correlações de forças dadas nas relações cotidianas de construção e transformação social, ou em outras palavras, na capacidade de alargar seu exercício político para além da delimitação do próprio Conselho. / The hegemony, according the true concept developed by Gramsci, it is considered in this study as a methodological tool and as a political horizon to achieve reality and build a possible more free and emancipated society. In this sense, it sought to analyze the mediations taken in the State Council of the Elderly of São Paulo (CEI/SP) as a permeate field by tensions, contradictions and consensus in the political exercise that dispute values and social projects through participation, social control and actions of this space in prime time that happened Municipal Conference, State and Federal of the elderly in the context of recession and political-economic crisis experienced contemporarily. The Boards of public policies in Brazil were enrolled constitutionally following the democratic re-opening occurred in the late 1980s and as deliberative and parity institution, the CEI/SP was seen as a privileged space of relations between civil society and the state, able to reflect demands and expressions of the elderly population in the dialogue with government, in order to sign normatively guarantees and rights both at the state level, as in the discussions and federal referrals in the Conferences. To that end, we developed analysis based on literature affects the subject, material produced by the Council as minutes, reports and resolutions, observation of regular meetings and interviews with counselors, with representatives of government and civil society. It could be observed that the CEI/SP has relevance as democratic consolidation tool, given its reach with the population that represents and their organizational capacity to forward proposals to the executive / state and federal legislatures as happened in the Conferences, but on the other next he comes up against limits emptying and restriction to their potential, being unable to change the correlation of forces in social relationships building, in other words, the ability to expand its political exercise beyond the Council itself delimitation.

Esta dissertação se volta para a análise da participação e da representação da sociedade civil no controle da Política de Assistência Social, no processo de implementação do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), tendo como base a experiência do Conselho Estadual de Assistência Social do Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). Busca-se examinar se o contexto de construção do SUAS abre ou não novas possibilidades ao exercício da participação da sociedade civil. Para isso, acompanhamos a experiência do CEAS/RJ, buscando compreender sua estruturação e funcionamento, no sentido de captar o desempenho institucional dos atores que ocupam assento em seu espaço. Na tentativa de montar o quadro mais amplo possível das condições e dos desafios com que se defronta o Conselho no exercício de sua função pública, nos apoiamos em fontes diversificadas. Foi realizado o estudo de documentos de fonte primária que regulamentam e legitimam o CEAS/RJ como espaço de controle no âmbito da Política de Assistência Social, como a sua Lei de Criação e seu Regimento Interno, foram examinadas as atas das reuniões plenárias do Conselho do ano de 2008 e realizadas entrevistas junto aos conselheiros representantes da sociedade civil. De forma geral, os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a dificuldade de se efetivar a participação no CEAS/RJ. No processo de implementação do SUAS o Conselho em estudo se depara com os dilemas centrais que marcaram até então os espaços institucionalizados de controle social. / The present work consists of analyzing the participation and representation of the civil society on the Social Welfare Politics, on the (SUAS) Sistema Único de Assistência Social s implementation process, based on the experience of the Social Welfare State Council in Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). The work aims at examining whether the context of SUASs construction opens up new possibilities to the effective participation of the civil society. Therefore, we have followed the experience of the CEAS/RJ, seeking a better understanding of its structure and work, to capture the development of the actors that play roles in its space. As an attempt to present a wider view of the conditions and challenges faced by the Council on the fulfillment of its public duties, we have used diversified sources. A study of primary sources documents which regulate and legitimate the CEAS/RJ as a figure of control of the Social Welfare Politics, as well as, its Law of Creation and Rules of Procedure, was made. The minutes of the Councils plenary sessions in 2008 were examined and interviews with the councilors who represented the civil society conducted. All in all, the researchs results show difficulty to effect the participation on CEAS/RJ. On SUASs implementation process, the Council studied on this work, faces the central dilemmas that have marked institutionalized spaces of social control so far.

Esta dissertação se volta para a análise da participação e da representação da sociedade civil no controle da Política de Assistência Social, no processo de implementação do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), tendo como base a experiência do Conselho Estadual de Assistência Social do Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). Busca-se examinar se o contexto de construção do SUAS abre ou não novas possibilidades ao exercício da participação da sociedade civil. Para isso, acompanhamos a experiência do CEAS/RJ, buscando compreender sua estruturação e funcionamento, no sentido de captar o desempenho institucional dos atores que ocupam assento em seu espaço. Na tentativa de montar o quadro mais amplo possível das condições e dos desafios com que se defronta o Conselho no exercício de sua função pública, nos apoiamos em fontes diversificadas. Foi realizado o estudo de documentos de fonte primária que regulamentam e legitimam o CEAS/RJ como espaço de controle no âmbito da Política de Assistência Social, como a sua Lei de Criação e seu Regimento Interno, foram examinadas as atas das reuniões plenárias do Conselho do ano de 2008 e realizadas entrevistas junto aos conselheiros representantes da sociedade civil. De forma geral, os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a dificuldade de se efetivar a participação no CEAS/RJ. No processo de implementação do SUAS o Conselho em estudo se depara com os dilemas centrais que marcaram até então os espaços institucionalizados de controle social. / The present work consists of analyzing the participation and representation of the civil society on the Social Welfare Politics, on the (SUAS) Sistema Único de Assistência Social s implementation process, based on the experience of the Social Welfare State Council in Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). The work aims at examining whether the context of SUASs construction opens up new possibilities to the effective participation of the civil society. Therefore, we have followed the experience of the CEAS/RJ, seeking a better understanding of its structure and work, to capture the development of the actors that play roles in its space. As an attempt to present a wider view of the conditions and challenges faced by the Council on the fulfillment of its public duties, we have used diversified sources. A study of primary sources documents which regulate and legitimate the CEAS/RJ as a figure of control of the Social Welfare Politics, as well as, its Law of Creation and Rules of Procedure, was made. The minutes of the Councils plenary sessions in 2008 were examined and interviews with the councilors who represented the civil society conducted. All in all, the researchs results show difficulty to effect the participation on CEAS/RJ. On SUASs implementation process, the Council studied on this work, faces the central dilemmas that have marked institutionalized spaces of social control so far.

Si tous les juges sont appelés à appliquer la Constitution, le Conseil d'Etat, a une situation particulière. Il a, à apprécier, plus souvent que les autres juges, la conformité à la Constitution de l'action administrative. La soumission des actes administratifs à la Constitution ne doit pas nécessairement passer par une juridiction constitutionnelle. Le Contrôle de constitutionnalité des actes administratifs doit se superposer et même se confondre avec le contrôle de légalité. Le système de contrôle de constitutionnalité introduit en 1990, a privé les juridictions ordinaires de la faculté d'exercer le contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois. Le régime du Conseil Constitutionnel offre sans doute moins de garanties du fait que la porte du Conseil Constitutionnel est étroite et demeure interdite aux particuliers, ainsi qu'aux juges ordinaires. Ce régime considère le juge ordinaire comme incompétent pour assurer un contrôle de constitutionnalité de la loi. En effet, l'article 18 de la loi 250/93 du 14 juillet 1993 relative à l'institution du Conseil constitutionnel dispose que le Conseil Constitutionnel contrôle la constitutionnalité des lois et textes ayant force de loi. Nonobstant toute disposition contraire, nulle autre autorité judiciaire ne peut exercer ce contrôle par voie d'action ou d'exception d'inconstitutionnalité ou de violation du principe de la hiérarchie des normes et textes. Ainsi, le Conseil constitutionnel ne contrôle pas la constitutionnalité des lois promulguées avant sa création, le juge ordinaire y compris le Conseil d'Etat ne peut exercer un tel contrôle par voie d'action ni par voie d'exception. Le juge ordinaire ne peut donc plus refuser d'appliquer une loi sous prétexte de son inconstitutionnalité et n'est plus autorisé, à quelque titre que ce soit, à opérer un contrôle de constitutionnalité de la loi. L'intervention du juge administratif statuant comme juge constitutionnel peut contribuer à résoudre le problème de déni de justice existant dans le système juridique libanais. Les règles constitutionnelles s'imposent au juge administratif qui doit respecter ses principes dans les décisions qu'il prend. Etant la norme suprême, la Constitution s'impose donc de manière immédiate aux autorités administratives. Pour cela les normes constitutionnelles sont incorporées dans les sources de légalité que le juge administratif se doit de faire respecter. Le Conseil d'Etat est chargé du contrôle de la conformité des actes normatifs par rapport à la Constitution. Cette fonction de contrôle induit la fonction d'interprétation des normes constitutionnelles. Le juge administratif exerce des fonctions similaires : il assure le contrôle de la conformité des actes administratifs par rapport à la Constitution et il est interprète de la Constitution. Le Conseil d'Etat ne peut pas contrôler tous les actes administratifs, puisque certains d'entre eux violent la Constitution du seul fait qu'ils appliquent une loi inconstitutionnelle. Mais selon la théorie de l'écran législatif, la loi fait écran entre la Constitution et l'acte contrôlé. La mission du Conseil d'Etat est-elle, de mettre en cause l'application de cette loi inconstitutionnelle. Cette mission ne peut se concrétiser que si le Conseil d'Etat agit comme juge constitutionnel, c'est-à-dire que s'il est amené à contrôler la constitutionnalité des actes administratifs En France, le système de contrôle de constitutionnalité instauré par la Constitution de 1958 limitait le contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois à un contrôle de priori. Tout juge, ne pouvait qu'appliquer la loi, même inconstitutionnelle. Ce problème a été résolu en France en 2008 par la réforme constitutionnelle opérée par la loi constitutionnelle n°2008-724 du 23 juillet 2008 qui ajoute un article 61-1 à la Constitution. / If all judges are required to apply the Constitution, the Council of State, has a special status. He has to appreciate more often than the other judges, compliance with the Constitution of the administrative action. Submission of administrative acts to the Constitution need not go through a constitutional court. Control of the constitutionality of administrative acts must overlap and even merge with the judicial review. The system of constitutional review introduced in 1990, has deprived the ordinary courts of the power to exercise control of the constitutionality of laws. The regime of the Constitutional Council has probably less guarantees that the door of the Constitutional Council is narrow and is forbidden to individuals, as well as ordinary judges. This scheme considers the ordinary courts incompetent for a constitutional review of the law. Indeed, Article 18 of the law 250/93 of 14 July 1993 on the establishment of the Constitutional Council provides that the Constitutional Council reviews the constitutionality of laws and instruments having the force of law. Notwithstanding anything to the contrary, no other court may exercise this control by action or unconstitutionality or violation of the principle of hierarchy of norms and texts. Thus, the Constitutional Council does not control the constitutionality of laws enacted prior to its creation, the ordinary courts including the State Council may exercise such control by action or by way of exception. The ordinary courts can no longer refuse to enforce a statute on the grounds of its unconstitutionality and is no longer allowed in any capacity whatsoever, to exercise control of the constitutionality of the law. The intervention of the administrative judge acting as a constitutional judge may help solve the problem of denial of justice existing in the Lebanese legal system.Constitutional rules apply to the administrative judge must respect its principles in the decisions it makes. Being the supreme law, the Constitution is therefore required immediate way to administrative authorities. For that constitutional standards are incorporated into the sources of legality that the administrative judge must enforce. The State Council is responsible for monitoring the compliance of normative acts with the Constitution. This control function causes the function of interpretation of constitutional provisions. The administrative judge exercising similar functions: it supervises the compliance of administrative acts with the Constitution and is interpreter of the Constitution. The Council of State cannot control all administrative acts, as some of them violate the Constitution merely because they apply an unconstitutional law. But according to the theory of legislative screen, the law shields between the Constitution and the controlled act. The mission of the State Council is she to question the application of this law unconstitutional. This mission can only be achieved if the Council of State acts as the constitutional court, that is to say, if it is required to review the constitutionality of administrative acts In France, the system of constitutional review introduced by the 1958 Constitution limited the constitutionality of laws to control a priori. Any judge could not apply the law, even unconstitutional. This problem was solved in France in 2008 by the constitutional reform made by the Constitutional Act No. 2008-724 of 23 July 2008 which adds Article 61-1 of the Constitution.

本文旨在評估中國國有資產監督管理委員會的成立，是否對中國國有企業的生產力造成影響。我們利用中國國家統計局2001年至2007年「製造業規模以上企業年度調查」的數據，先使用Olley-Pakes三階段模型估計企業的生產力，再運用差異中之差異法，把結果分成使用所有樣本、用傾向分數配對法篩選樣本和分成37個行業別三步驟來檢視中國規模以上的國有製造業，其生產力是否因國資委成立(2003年)而有明顯的變化。本研究結果顯示，除了對石油和天然氣開採業為顯著的負面效果，對化學原料及化學製品製造業為顯著正面效果外，整體而言，國資委成立對國有企業的生產力沒有顯著影響，也因此未能達成有效提升國有企業生產效率的預期目標。

Orientador: Claudio Henrique de Moraes Batalha / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T13:07:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lacerda_DavidP._M.pdf: 10202366 bytes, checksum: ea46ff9a579cf6bc885cd6d8a09f17f5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Este estudo aborda a experiência mutualista na cidade Rio de Janeiro ao longo do Segundo Reinado. Analisa, em particular, a atuação de um conjunto de sociedades organizadas por artesãos e operários de diferentes ofícios manuais num período em que o Conselho de Estado, órgão consultivo do governo monárquico, cuidou de garantir as prerrogativas das normas para o funcionamento de associações civis e mercantis criadas no império. Esse processo desencadeou um amplo movimento protagonizado por vários grupos sociais interessados em obter o reconhecimento político e legal de suas entidades, estabelecendo, por conseguinte, profundos nexos entre as formas de dominação e as práticas associativas. A dissertação demonstra a partir do exame dos socorros oferecidos e dos modos de recortar o universo social e financeiro, que as mutuais de ofício desempenharam um papel significativo naquele quadro de relações, evidenciando atitudes, expectativas e valores pertencentes ao universo do trabalho e da proteção social / Abstract: This study deals with the mutualist movement experience in the city of Rio de Janeiro during the Second Reign. It analyses, in particular, the acting of a group of societies organized by craftsmen and workers from different kinds of manual occupations during a time when the State Council, a consultative body of the monarchic government, took care to ensure the prerogatives of rules for the action of the civil and mercantile associations created in the imperial period. This process initiated a vast movement performed by many social groups interested in achieving the legal and political recognition of its entities, establishing deep connections between forms of domination and associative practices. The dissertation shows from the examination of the offered assistances and the ways of highlighting the social and financial environment, that the mutual occupational organizations performed a significant role in that framework of relations, pointing attitudes, expectations and values which belong to the universe of work and social protection / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / When the United States entered World War I in April 1917, many Americans quickly rallied to support the nation. Among the numerous committees, organizations, and individuals that became active in the mobilization process were the forty-eight state councils of defense. Encouraged to form by President Wilson and his administration in the days and weeks following U.S entry in the war, the state councils grew as offshoots of the Council of National Defense and assisted in bringing every section of the country into a single scheme of work. Everyone was expected to do their part in WWI, whether they were fighting overseas or helping on the home front. The state councils, broken down into various sections and county, township, and high-school level councils, made sure that this was the case by reaching down into local communities and encouraging individuals to become involved in the war effort. Their work represented the embodiment of a “total war” philosophy and, yet, studies on these organizations are surprisingly scarce, giving readers an inadequate understanding of the American home front during the conflict. This thesis therefore places the focus directly on the state councils and examines the work they undertook to make the United States ready for, and most effective in wartime service. In particular, it explores the efforts of the Educational Section of the Indiana State Council of Defense. By concentrating on this one section, readers may gain a better understanding of the lengths that the state councils went to in order to put every person – teachers and students included – on a wartime footing.