Ce travail, qui s'appuie sur une étude de corpus, analyse deux types d'adjectifs dénominaux en slovaque : les adjectifs suffixés en -ský (NskýA) et les adjectifs composés d'un adjectif et d'un nom (ANA). Les résultats obtenus pour le slovaque sont mis en correspondance, et seulement quand cela est pertinent, avec les réalisations sémantiquement équivalentes du français. Les analyses pour le slovaque sont vérifiées et testées à chaque fois à l'aide d'une expérience réalisée sous forme de questionnaires soumis aux locuteurs slovaques. La formation des ANA (MODROOKÝA "ayant les yeux bleus") répond à un triple faisceau de contraintes (i) entre l'ANA et le nom recteur (Nr), e.g. modrookéA dievcaNr "fille aux yeux bleus", (ii) entre le composant nominal (N) et le Nr (OKON "oeil" et dievca "fille"), et (iii) entre le composant adjectival (A) et le N (MODRÝA "bleu" et OKON "oeil"). Ces adjectifs désignent une propriété inhérente de l'entité à laquelle réfère le Nr. L'interprétation sémantique majoritaire est la relation méronymique : le N dénote une partie constitutive et visible de l'entité désignée par le Nr. La suffixation en -ský sélectionne essentiellement les noms propres de lieu (toponymes) et de personne (anthroponymes) en position de base. Le contenu sémantique de ces adjectifs est identique à celui de leurs bases. Les NskýA toponymiques comme LIBANONSKÝA "libanais" peuvent référer au lieu ainsi qu'aux habitants d'un lieu. Seule la valeur du Nr permet de désambiguïser la référence d'un NskýA toponymique. Les NskýA anthroponymiques comme STALINSKÝA "stalinien" peuvent avoir, outre l'interprétation relationnelle : "de Staline", un sens qualifiant : "comparable à Staline". / In this corpus-based study, we are concerned with the formation of two types of denominal adjectives in Slovak: adjectives suffixed with -ský (NskýA) and compound adjectives formed by an adjective and a noun (ANA). The obtained results are verified and tested in two surveys conducted with Slovak native speakers. The Slovak morphological constructions and compared with semantically equivalent expressions in French. The formation of ANA (MODROOKÝA "blue-eyed") obeys a set of three types of semantic constraints : (i) between ANA and the Head-Noun (HdN), e.g. modrookéA dievcaHdN "blue-eyed girl", (ii) between the noun-component (N) and the HdN (OKON "eye" et dievca "girl"), and (iii) between the adjective-component (A) and the N (MODRÝA "blue" et OKON "eye"). An ANA refers to an inherent property of an individual denoted by HdN. The interpretation in force is a Part-Whole Relation: the N denotes a constitutive and visible part of the concrete entity referred to by the HdN. The suffixation by means of -ský applies mainly to proper nouns denoting either a portion of space (toponym) or a human (anthroponym). In Slovak, the semantic interpretation of an NskýA adjective is normally the same as that of the base noun. Toponymic adjectives like LIBANONSKÝA "lebanese" can refer to the geographical space as well as to the inhabitants of this space. Only the HdN's semantic value is able to disambiguate the meaning of such a toponymic NskýA. As for anthroponymic NskýA like STALINSKÝA "stalinien", they are likely to appear, besides the relational use, i.e. "concerning Stalin", in qualifying contexts: "comparable to Staline".

The major aim of this thesis is to characterize the use of diminutive forms in Mexican Spanish and to analyze it in the corpora. Secondarily, a series of activities is proposed so that the topic could be worked with in the classes of Spanish as a foreign language. The thesis consists of two main parts, a theoretical and an empirical one, and an appendix. In the theoretical introduction, the concept of the diminutive is described, as well as its morphological and semantic-pragmatic features, its peculiar use in American varieties of Spanish and, especially, its implementation in Mexican Spanish. Possible explanations of its idiosyncratic use are given; in particular, the Mexican society and the influence of Náhuatl are analyzed. The empirical part is divided into two sections. The main analysis focuses on the use of the diminutive in Mexican Spanish from the socio-linguistic and morfo-semantic point of view. The analysis is realized in the Corpus Sociolingüístico de la Ciudad de México. In the secondary analysis, the most frequent diminutives are investigated in the Corpus de Referencia del Espaňol Actual and the Corpus Diacrónico del Espaňol. The appendix presents various dynamic and communicatively-oriented activities, proposed both to practice the diminutive and to introduce the socio-cultural element, essential in the language teaching.

This thesis deals with aspects of Persian phonology and morpho-phonology which are less studied or controversial, and has two specific goals: (i) to examine the structure of the Persian vowel system with the goal of understanding the asymmetries in patterning of different vowels in the system; (ii) to examine some suffixation processes in Persian with the goal of understanding the seeming irregularities in morphophonemics. The more generals goals of this work are to contribute to the discussions of: (i) determining dimensions of contrast in a vowel system; (ii) interactions of vowels and consonants at a morpheme boundary. Although the main focus of this work is on the synchronic status of these issues in Persian from a theoretical viewpoint, many discussions in the thesis benefit from an historical and/or an experimental investigation. As such, the thesis contributes both to the field of theoretical and experimental phonology, and offers both synchronic and historical perspectives on many issues at hand.

This thesis deals with aspects of Persian phonology and morpho-phonology which are less studied or controversial, and has two specific goals: (i) to examine the structure of the Persian vowel system with the goal of understanding the asymmetries in patterning of different vowels in the system; (ii) to examine some suffixation processes in Persian with the goal of understanding the seeming irregularities in morphophonemics. The more generals goals of this work are to contribute to the discussions of: (i) determining dimensions of contrast in a vowel system; (ii) interactions of vowels and consonants at a morpheme boundary. Although the main focus of this work is on the synchronic status of these issues in Persian from a theoretical viewpoint, many discussions in the thesis benefit from an historical and/or an experimental investigation. As such, the thesis contributes both to the field of theoretical and experimental phonology, and offers both synchronic and historical perspectives on many issues at hand.

Cette thèse est consacrée à l’étude du suffixe protoroman */-'ur-a/ et, par ce biais, à l’étude de la morphologie dérivationnelle du protoroman. D’une part, nous fournissons un examen approfondi et détaillé des unités lexicales protoromanes présentant le suffixe */-'ur-a/ et, d’autre part, nous offrons une analyse pointue des propriétés phonologiques, morphologiques et sémantiques du suffixe */-'ur-a/. La première partie de ce travail consiste en une brève introduction et en la présentation de la méthodologie dont nous nous sommes servie pour nos recherches : celle de la reconstruction comparée et celle de la reconstruction interne. Ensuite, nous jetons un coup de projecteur sur les deux domaines qui sont particulièrement intéressants dans le cadre de l’étude d’un suffixe protoroman : la reconstruction en domaine roman et la reconstruction morphologique. Cette première partie se conclut par l’explication de notre choix de nomenclature – avec une brève analyse des lexèmes rejetés –, par l’explicitation de nos processus de recherche et par la présentation de la microstructure utilisée pour les articles étymologiques. Dans la deuxième partie de cette thèse figurent les articles étymologiques des 45 étymons protoromans portant le suffixe */-'ur-a/ que nous avons pu reconstruire. Chaque article étymologique est accompagné d’une carte linguistique qui donne une vue globale sur la distribution aréologie de l’étymon en question.Enfin, la troisième partie de notre travail se veut une analyse approfondie et détaillée des propriétés phonologiques, morphologiques et sémantiques du suffixe */-'ur-a/ ainsi qu’une analyse de la variation diasystémique de la protolangue. / This thesis is dedicated to studying the Protoromance suffix */-'ur-a/ and, hence, to studying derivational morphology of Protoromance. On the one hand, we provide an extensive and detailed exam of Protoromance lexical units presenting the suffix */-'ur-a/ and, on the other hand, we produce a thorough analysis of the phonological, morphological and semantic properties of the suffix */-'ur-a/.The first part of this work consists of a short introduction and of the presentation of the methodology that we used in our research : the methodology of compared reconstruction and of internal reconstruction. Then, we focus on the two fields that are particularly interesting in the context of studying a Protoromance suffix : reconstruction in Romance studies and morphological reconstruction. This first part closes up with an explanation of our nomenclature – including a short analysis of the rejected words –, a specification of our research process and a presentation of the microstructure used for our etymological articles.In the second part of our thesis appear the etymological articles of all 45 Protoromance etymons with the suffix */-'ur-a/ that we were able to reconstruct. Each etymological article comes with a linguistic map that provides a global view of the geographical distribution of the concerned etymon.Finally, the third part of our work is a thorough and detailed analysis of the phonological, morphological and semantic properties of the Protoromance suffix */-'ur-a/ and of the diasystemic variation of the Protoromance language.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Esta tese apresenta, por um lado, uma descrição sumária do funcionamento dos sufixos latinos -men e -mentum em relação à sua produção lexical, às suas características morfológicas e semânticas e a informação semântica estrutural de suas palavras derivadas, no Latim. Por outro, analisa, de modo exaustivo, como o sufixo -mentum desenvolveu-se nas principais línguas românicas: Castelhano, Francês, Italiano e Romeno, para poder contrastar com o Português. Apresentamos primeiramente uma proposta de origem para o sufixo latino - mentum, diferente da bibliografia existente sobre o assunto, que indica que -mentum advém de um alargamento de -men. Para isso, montamos um corpus de análise das palavras latinas, identificando as bases nominal e verbal das palavras em -men e em -mentum; em seguida, analisamos a datação dessas palavras para, ao final, verificar o significado do sufixo em cada uma delas, resultando numa proposta de genealogia dos sufixos -men / -mentum. Na segunda parte desta tese, apresentamos a derivação panromânica do sufixo latino -mentum. Montamos um corpus para cada língua pesquisada, de modo exaustivo, com indicação de data de entrada, étimo, origem e aspecto semântico. Em cada capítulo, analisamos todos os itens, exceto no Português, em que não realizamos pesquisa feita previamente em Freitas (2008), sobre a semântica dessas palavras. Em todas as línguas, propusemos uma árvore genealógica do sufixo estudado sob um aspecto semântico, mostrando o caminho feito pelo sufixo por meio de seus significados. Ao final, propomos um modelo de análise etimológica para as línguas românicas e uma genealogia do sufixo -mentum, do Latim às românicas. / This thesis presents, on the one hand, a brief description of the functioning of Latin suffixes -men and -mentum related to their lexical production, their morphological and semantic characteristics as well as the structural semantic information of their derived words in Latin. On the other hand, it analyses exhaustively the development of the suffix -mentum in the main Romance languages: Spanish, French, Italian and Romanian, so that we can contrast them with Portuguese. First, we present a proposal for the origins of the Latin suffix -mentum, different from the existing bibliography on the subject, which suggests that -mentum comes from an enlargement of -men. Thus, we have organised a corpus for the analysis of the Latin words, identifying the nominal and verbal bases of words ending in -men and -mentum; then, we analyse the datings of these words, so that we can verify the meaning of the suffix in each one of them, which results in a proposal for the genealogy of both suffixes -men / -mentum. In the second part of the thesis, we present the PanRomance derivation of Latin suffix -mentum. We have organized an exhaustive corpus for each language, indicating the first datings, etymon, origin and semantic aspect. In each chapter, we have analysed every item, but for Portuguese, in which we have not made the research previously presented in Freitas (2008) about the semantics of these words. For every language we have proposed a genealogical tree for the suffix, in its semantic aspect, showing the routes taken by the suffix through its meanings. Finally, we have proposed a model for etymological analysis for Romance languages, and a genealogy of the suffix -mentum, from Latin to Romance languages.

Este trabalho busca investigar a relação entre a palavra prosódica e a palavra morfossintática no português brasileiro (PB) a partir do fenômeno de neutralização das vogais pretônicas. Levando-se em consideração que há contrastividade entre os sete fonemas vocálicos do PB somente na posição tônica da palavra, que contextos átonos não apresentam oposição entre as vogais médias (ex. b[e]leza ~ b[]leza) e que, nos dialetos do sul, vogais médias-baixas estão restritas a contextos tônicos, pretendemos verificar, através de análise acústica, o comportamento de sílabas com vogais médias pretônicas em casos em que a neutralização parece não ocorrer. Estes casos são aqueles formados pelos sufixos -inho (ex. c//linho), -zinho (ex. p//tezinho), -mente (ex. b/ɛ/lamente) e -íssimo (ex. c/ɛ/rtíssimo). Pelo fato de manterem a vogal média-baixa, alguns autores os classificam como palavras prosódicas independentes. Assumimos que i) -inho e -zinho podem ser considerados alomorfes de um mesmo morfema (cf. Bisol, 2010); e ii) a não ocorrência do fenômeno de neutralização já é uma evidência a favor da classificação desses elementos como palavra prosódicas, o que sugere que, morfologicamente, eles sejam unidos também ao nível da palavra, e não da raiz. Investigamos a hipótese de que há também evidências fonéticas para o tratamento dessas estruturas como compostos prosódicos (cf. Schwindt, 2013a), pois a sílaba da base morfológica parece se assemelhar em termos de duração e intensidade com a sílaba tônica, cuja vogal está localizada no afixo. Para testar esta hipótese, coletamos dados de fala de cinco informantes da região metropolitana de Porto Alegre. Utilizamo-nos da frase-veículo Diga X pra mim e, no lugar de X, inserimos palavras simples, derivadas e compostas com vogais médias-baixas e médias-altas na pauta pretônica, totalizando 62 palavras coletadas por informante. Nestes dados, medimos as propriedades acústicas de duração e intensidade das sílabas envolvidas no processo, citadas como os principais correlatos acústicos do acento (Massini, 1991; Pamies Bertrán, 1997; Cantoni, 2013), sendo a duração o principal parâmetro para a identificação do acento primário, conforme a literatura investigada. Os resultados mostram que, quanto à duração, estas sílabas pretônicas parecem apresentar taxas muito próximas às das tônicas quando da afixação por -inho ou -íssimo; nos casos de -zinho e -mente, a duração da sílaba tônica foi sempre superior, como no caso dos compostos, mas com a sílaba tônica da base sendo superior às demais pretônicas. Em relação à intensidade, encontramos, em todos os casos, valores muito altos para a sílaba inicial e para as demais pretônicas, o que pode ser influência da posição acentuada ou do tipo de experimento. Cruzando os dados de duração e intensidade, vemos que a maior parte das palavras complexas investigadas apresentou maior intensidade na primeira sílaba e maior duração na tônica. Apenas com base nesses dados acústicos, não podemos fazer afirmações a respeito da classificação dos sufixos analisados, mas podemos sugerir, baseados principalmente em dados de duração silábica, que há uma proeminência identificada nas bases iniciais de -inho e -íssimo e que -zinho e -mente comportam-se prosodicamente como os compostos morfológicos. Isto, se confirmado por métodos distintos e análises futuras, poderia indicar o comportamento dos quatro sufixos investigados como palavras prosódicas, que são ligados, morfologicamente, ao nível da palavra. / This work aims to investigate the relation between the prosodic word and the morphosyntactic word in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) through the phenomenon of pre-tonic vowels neutralization. Taking into consideration that there is contrastivity among the seven BP vowel phonemes only in the stressed position of the word, that unstressed contexts have no opposition between mid vowels (ex. b[e]leza ~ b[]leza) and that, in the southern dialects, mid-low vowels are restricted to stressed contexts, we intend to verify, through acoustic analysis, the behavior of the pre-tonic mid vowels in cases in which neutralization seems not to occur. These cases are those formed by the suffixes -inho (ex. c//linho), -zinho (ex. p//tezinho), -mente (ex. b/ɛ/lamente) and -íssimo (ex. c/ɛ/rtíssimo). By maintaining the mid-low vowel, some authors classify them as independent prosodic words. We assume that i) -inho and -zinho can be considered allomorphs of the same morpheme (cf. Bisol, 2010); and ii) the non-occurrence of the neutralization phenomenon is already an evidence in favor of the classification of these elements as prosodic words, which suggests that, morphologically, they are also attached to the word level, not to the root level. We investigate the hypothesis that there are phonetic evidences to the treatment of these structures as prosodic compounds (cf. Schwindt, 2013a), because the syllable of the morphological base seems to resemble in terms of duration and intensity with the stressed syllable, whose vowel is in the affix. To test this hypothesis, we collected speech data from five informants of the metropolitan region of Porto Alegre. We utilized the frame Diga X pra mim and, instead of X, we inserted simple, derived and compound words with mid-low and mid-high vowels in pre-tonic position, totalizing 62 words collected by informant. In these data, we measured the acoustic properties of duration and intensity of syllables involved in the process, quoted as the main acoustic correlates of stress (Massini, 1991; Pamies Bertrán, 1997; Cantoni, 2013), and duration is the main parameter to the identification of primary stress, according to the investigated literature. The results show that, for duration, these pre-tonic syllables seem to present rates very near to the stressed syllable rates when it is affixed by -inho or -íssimo; in cases of -zinho and -mente, the duration of stressed syllable was always higher, as in the compound words, but with the stressed syllable of the base being higher to the other pre-tonic syllables. In relation to intensity, we found, in all cases, very high values to the initial syllable and to the other pre-tonic syllables, which could have been influenced by stressed position or by the type of the experiment. Crossing the data of duration with intensity, we see that the most part of investigated complex words presented higher intensity in the first syllable and higher duration in the stressed syllable. Only based in these acoustic data, we cannot make claims with respect to the classification of the analyzed suffixes, but we can suggest, based mainly in data of syllable duration, that there is a prominence identified in the initial bases of -inho e -íssimo and that -zinho and -mente behave prosodically like morphological compounds. This, if confirmed by distinct methods and future analyses, could indicate the behavior of the four investigated suffixes as independent prosodic words, which are attached, morphologically, to the word level.

Esta tese apresenta, por um lado, uma descrição sumária do funcionamento dos sufixos latinos -men e -mentum em relação à sua produção lexical, às suas características morfológicas e semânticas e a informação semântica estrutural de suas palavras derivadas, no Latim. Por outro, analisa, de modo exaustivo, como o sufixo -mentum desenvolveu-se nas principais línguas românicas: Castelhano, Francês, Italiano e Romeno, para poder contrastar com o Português. Apresentamos primeiramente uma proposta de origem para o sufixo latino - mentum, diferente da bibliografia existente sobre o assunto, que indica que -mentum advém de um alargamento de -men. Para isso, montamos um corpus de análise das palavras latinas, identificando as bases nominal e verbal das palavras em -men e em -mentum; em seguida, analisamos a datação dessas palavras para, ao final, verificar o significado do sufixo em cada uma delas, resultando numa proposta de genealogia dos sufixos -men / -mentum. Na segunda parte desta tese, apresentamos a derivação panromânica do sufixo latino -mentum. Montamos um corpus para cada língua pesquisada, de modo exaustivo, com indicação de data de entrada, étimo, origem e aspecto semântico. Em cada capítulo, analisamos todos os itens, exceto no Português, em que não realizamos pesquisa feita previamente em Freitas (2008), sobre a semântica dessas palavras. Em todas as línguas, propusemos uma árvore genealógica do sufixo estudado sob um aspecto semântico, mostrando o caminho feito pelo sufixo por meio de seus significados. Ao final, propomos um modelo de análise etimológica para as línguas românicas e uma genealogia do sufixo -mentum, do Latim às românicas. / This thesis presents, on the one hand, a brief description of the functioning of Latin suffixes -men and -mentum related to their lexical production, their morphological and semantic characteristics as well as the structural semantic information of their derived words in Latin. On the other hand, it analyses exhaustively the development of the suffix -mentum in the main Romance languages: Spanish, French, Italian and Romanian, so that we can contrast them with Portuguese. First, we present a proposal for the origins of the Latin suffix -mentum, different from the existing bibliography on the subject, which suggests that -mentum comes from an enlargement of -men. Thus, we have organised a corpus for the analysis of the Latin words, identifying the nominal and verbal bases of words ending in -men and -mentum; then, we analyse the datings of these words, so that we can verify the meaning of the suffix in each one of them, which results in a proposal for the genealogy of both suffixes -men / -mentum. In the second part of the thesis, we present the PanRomance derivation of Latin suffix -mentum. We have organized an exhaustive corpus for each language, indicating the first datings, etymon, origin and semantic aspect. In each chapter, we have analysed every item, but for Portuguese, in which we have not made the research previously presented in Freitas (2008) about the semantics of these words. For every language we have proposed a genealogical tree for the suffix, in its semantic aspect, showing the routes taken by the suffix through its meanings. Finally, we have proposed a model for etymological analysis for Romance languages, and a genealogy of the suffix -mentum, from Latin to Romance languages.

Ce travail, qui s'appuie sur une étude de corpus, analyse deux types d'adjectifs dénominaux en slovaque : les adjectifs suffixés en -ský (Nský) et les adjectifs composés d'un adjectif et d'un nom (AN). Les résultats obtenus pour le slovaque sont mis en correspondance, et seulement quand cela est pertinent, avec les réalisations sémantiquement équivalentes du français. Les analyses pour le slovaque sont vérifiées et testées à chaque fois à l'aide d'une expérience réalisée sous forme de questionnaires soumis aux locuteurs slovaques. La formation des AN (MODROOKÝ 'ayant les yeux bleus') répond à un triple faisceau de contraintes (i) entre l'AN et le nom recteur (Nr), e.g. modrooké dievča 'fille aux yeux bleus', (ii) entre le composant nominal (N) et le Nr (OKO 'œil' et dievča 'fille'), et (iii) entre le composant adjectival (A) et le N (MODRÝ 'bleu' et OKO 'œil'). Ces adjectifs désignent une propriété inhérente de l'entité à laquelle réfère le Nr. L'interprétation sémantique majoritaire est la relation méronymique : le N dénote une partie constitutive et visible de l'entité désignée par le Nr. La suffixation en -ský sélectionne essentiellement les noms propres de lieu (toponymes) et de personne (anthroponymes) en position de base. Le contenu sémantique de ces adjectifs est identique à celui de leurs bases. Les Nský toponymiques comme LIBANONSKÝ 'libanais' peuvent référer au lieu ainsi qu'aux habitants d'un lieu. Seule la valeur du Nr permet de désambiguïser la référence d'un Nský toponymique. Les Nský anthroponymiques comme STALINSKÝ 'stalinien' peuvent avoir, outre l'interprétation relationnelle : 'de Staline', un sens qualifiant : 'comparable à Staline'.